A History of the Crusades-Vol 1 (19 page)

The Normans of southern Italy had not at first
taken much notice of Urban’s preaching of the Crusade. Intermittent civil war
had dragged on there ever since Robert Guiscard’s death. Robert had divorced
his first wife, Bohemond’s mother, and left his duchy of Apulia to his son by
Sigelgaita, Roger Borsa. Bohemond revolted against his brother and managed to
secure Taranto and the Terra d’Otranto in the heel of the peninsula before
their uncle, Roger of Sicily, could patch up an uneasy truce between them.
Bohemond never accepted the truce as final and continued surreptitiously to
embarrass Roger Borsa. But in the summer of 1096 the whole family had come
together to punish the rebel city of Amalfi. The papal decrees about the
Crusade had already been published; and small bands of southern Italians had
already crossed the sea for the East. But it was only the arrival in Italy of
enthusiastic armies of Crusaders from France that made Bohemond realize the
importance of the movement. He saw then that it could be used for his
advantage. His uncle, Roger of Sicily, would never allow him to annex the whole
Apulian duchy. He would do better to find a kingdom in the Levant. The zeal of
the French Crusaders affected the Norman troops before Amalfi; and Bohemond
encouraged them. He announced that he too would take the Cross and he summoned
all good Christians to join him. In front of his assembled army he took off his
rich scarlet cloak and tore it into pieces to make crosses for his captains.
His vassals hastened to follow his lead, and with them many of his brother’s
vassals and of the vassals of his uncle of Sicily; who was left complaining
that the movement had robbed him of his army.

Bohemond’s March
across the Pindus

Bohemond’s nephew William started off at once
with the French Crusaders; but Bohemond himself needed a little time to prepare
his forces. He left his lands under safeguards in his brother’s care, and
raised sufficient money to pay for the expenses of all that came with him. The
expedition sailed from Bari in October. With Bohemond were his nephew Tancred,
William’s elder brother, son of his sister Emma and the Marquis Odo; his
cousins Richard and Rainulf of Salerno and Rainulf’s son Richard; Geoffrey,
Count of Rossignuolo, and his brothers; Robert of Ansa, Herman of Cannae,
Humphrey of Monte Scabioso, Albered of Cagnano and Bishop Girard of Ariano,
among the Normans from Sicily; while Normans from France that joined Bohemond
included Robert of Sourdeval and Boel of Chartres. His army was smaller than
Godfrey’s, but it was well equipped and well trained.

The expedition landed in Epirus at various
points along the coast between Dyrrhachium and Avlona, and reassembled at a
village called Dropoli, up the valley of the river Viusa. The arrangements for
landing had doubtless been made after consultation with the Byzantine
authorities at Dyrrhachium, who may have wished not to strain any further the
resources of the towns along the Via Egnatia; but the choice of the route that
his army was to follow was probably Bohemond’s. His campaigns fifteen years
before had given him some knowledge of the country to the south of the main
road; and he may have hoped by taking a less usual route to avoid the supervision
of the Byzantines. John Comnenus had no troops to spare; and Bohemond was able
to start on his journey without an imperial police escort. But there seems to
have been no ill feeling; for ample supplies were provided for the Normans,
while Bohemond impressed upon all his men that they were to pass through a
Christian land and must refrain from pillage and disorder.

Travelling right over the passes of the Pindus,
the army reached Castoria, in western Macedonia, shortly before Christmas. It
is impossible to trace his route; but it cannot have been easy and must have
led him over land more than four thousand feet above sea-level. At Castoria he
endeavoured to secure provisions; but the inhabitants were unwilling to spare
anything from their small stores for those unexpected visitors whom they
remembered as ruthless enemies a few years ago. The army therefore took the
cattle that it required, together with horses and donkeys, since many of the
pack-animals must have perished on the passes of the Pindus. Christmas was
spent at Castoria; then Bohemond led his men eastward towards the river Vardar.
They paused to attack a village of Paulician heretics close to their road,
burning the houses and their inmates, and eventually reached the river in the
middle of February, having taken some seven weeks to cover a distance of little
more than a hundred miles.

Bohemond’s route probably brought him through
Edessa (Vodena) where he joined the Via Egnatia. Thenceforward he was
accompanied by an escort of Petcheneg soldiers, with the usual orders from the
Emperor to prevent raiding and straggling and to see that the Crusaders never
remained more than three days at any one place. The Vardar was crossed without
delay by the main portion of the army; but the Count of Rossignuolo and his
brothers delayed with a small party on the western bank. The Petchenegs
therefore attacked them to urge them on. On hearing of the battle Tancred at
once recrossed the river to rescue them. He drove off the Petchenegs and made
some captives, whom he brought before Bohemond. Bohemond questioned them; and
when he heard that they were carrying out imperial orders he promptly let them
go. His policy was to behave perfectly correctly towards the Emperor.

Bohemond’s
Arrival at Constantinople

In his desire to be correct he had already,
probably when he first landed in Epirus, sent ambassadors ahead to the Emperor.
When his army had passed by the walls of Thessalonica and was on the road to
Serres, these ambassadors met him on their return from Constantinople, bringing
with them a high imperial official, whose relations with Bohemond soon became
cordial. Food was provided in plenty for the army; and in return Bohemond not
only promised not to try to enter any of the towns on his route but also agreed
to restore all the beasts that his men had taken on their journey. His
followers would have liked more than once to raid the countryside; but Bohemond
sternly forbade them.

The army reached Roussa (the modem Keshan) in
Thrace on 1 April. Bohemond now decided to hurry on to Constantinople, to find
out what was being negotiated there between the Emperor and the western leaders
that had already arrived. He left his men under the command of Tancred; who
took them to a rich valley off the main road, where they spent the Easter
week-end. Bohemond came to Constantinople on 9 April. He was lodged outside the
walls, at the monastery of St Cosmas and St Damian, and next day was admitted
to the presence of the Emperor.

To Alexius Bohemond seemed by far the most
dangerous of the Crusaders. Past experience had taught the Byzantines that the
Normans were formidable enemies, ambitious, wily and unscrupulous; and Bohemond
had shown himself in previous campaigns to be a worthy leader for them. His
troops were well organized, well equipped and well disciplined; he had their
complete confidence. As a strategist he was perhaps over-sure of himself and
not always wise; but as a diplomat he was subtle and persuasive, and
far-sighted as a politician. His person was very impressive. Anna Comnena, who
knew him and hated him passionately, could not but admit his charm and wrote
enthusiastically of his good looks. He was immensely tall; and though he was
already over forty years of age, he had the figure and complexion of a young
man, broad-shouldered and narrow-waisted, with a clear skin and ruddy cheeks.
He wore his yellow hair shorter than was the fashion with western knights and
was clean-shaven. He had stooped slightly from his childhood, but without
impairing his air of health and strength. There was, says Anna, something hard
in his expression and sinister in his smile; but being, like all Greeks down
the ages, susceptible to human beauty, she could not withhold her admiration.

Alexius arranged first to see Bohemond alone,
while he discovered what was his attitude; but, finding him perfectly friendly
and helpful, he admitted Godfrey and Baldwin, who were still staying in the
palace, to take part in the discussions. Bohemond’s correctness of behaviour
was deliberate. He knew, far better than the other Crusaders, that Byzantium
was still very powerful and that without its help nothing could be achieved. To
quarrel with it would only lead to disaster; but a wise use of its alliance
could be turned to his advantage. He wished to lead the campaign, but he had no
authority from the Pope to do so and he would have to contend with the rivalry
of the other Crusading chieftains. If he could obtain an official charge from
the Emperor he would be in a position from which he could direct operations. He
would be in control of the Crusaders’ dealings with the Emperor; he would be
the functionary to whom the Crusaders would have to hand over the lands
reconquered for the Empire. He would be the pivot on which the whole Christian
alliance would turn. Without hesitation he took the oath of allegiance to the
Emperor and then suggested that he might be appointed to the post of Grand
Domestic of the East, that is, commander-in-chief of all the imperial forces in
Asia.

Raymond of
Toulouse

The request embarrassed Alexius. He feared and
distrusted Bohemond, but was anxious to retain his goodwill. He had already
shown him particular generosity and honours, and he continued to pour money on
him. But he prevaricated over the request. It was not yet the moment, he said,
to make such an appointment, but Bohemond would doubtless earn it by his energy
and his loyalty. Bohemond had to be satisfied with this vague promise, which
encouraged him to maintain his policy of co-operation. Meanwhile Alexius
promised to send troops to accompany the Crusading armies, to repay them for
their expenses and to ensure their revictualling and their communications.

Bohemond’s army was then summoned to
Constantinople and on 26 April it was conveyed across the Bosphorus to join
Godfrey’s at Pelecanum. Tancred, who disliked and did not understand his uncle’s
policy, passed through the city by night with his cousin, Richard of Salerno,
in order to avoid having to take the oath. That same day Count Raymond of
Toulouse arrived at Constantinople and was received by the Emperor.

Raymond IV, Count of Toulouse, usually known
from his favourite property as the Count of Saint-Gilles, was already a man of
mature age, probably approaching his sixtieth year. His ancestral county was
one of the richest in France, and he had recently inherited the equally rich
marquisate of Provence. By his marriage with the princess Elvira of Aragon he
was connected with the royal houses of Spain; and he had taken part in several
holy wars against the Spanish Moslems. He was the only great noble with whom
Pope Urban had personally discussed his project of the Crusade, and he was the
first to announce his adherence. He therefore considered himself with some
justification to be entitled to its lay command. But the Pope, anxious to keep
the movement under spiritual control, had never admitted this claim. Raymond
probably hoped that the need for a lay leader would become apparent. In the
meantime he planned to set out for the East in the company of its spiritual
chief, the Bishop of Le Puy.

Raymond had taken the Cross at the time of
Clermont, in November 1095; but it was not till next October that he was ready
to leave his lands. He vowed to spend the rest of his days in the Holy Land;
but it is possible that the vow was made with reservations; for, while he left
his lands in France to be administered by his natural son, Bertrand, he
carefully did not abdicate his rights. His wife and his legitimate heir,
Alfonso, were to accompany him. He sold or pledged some of his lands in order
to raise money for his expedition; but he seems to have shown a certain economy
in its equipment. His personality is difficult to assess. His actions show him
as being vain, obstinate and somewhat rapacious. But his courteous manners
impressed the Byzantines, who found him rather more civilized than his
colleagues. He also struck them as being more reliable and honest. Anna
Comnena, whom later events prejudiced in his favour, commended the superiority
of his nature and the purity of his life. Adhemar of Le Puy, who was certainly
a man of high standards, clearly regarded him as a worthy friend.

Several noblemen from southern France joined
Raymond’s Crusade. Amongst these were Rambald, Count of Orange, Gaston of Beam,
Gerard of Roussillon, William of Montpelier, Raymond of Le Forez and Isoard of
Gap. Adhemar of Le Puy brought with him his brothers, Francis-Lambert of
Monteil, lord of Peyrins, and William-Hugh of Monteil, and all his men. After
Adhemar the chief ecclesiastic to come was William, Bishop of Orange.

Raymond’s
Journey

The expedition crossed the Alps by the Col de
Genevre and travelled through northern Italy to the head of the Adriatic.
Perhaps from motives of economy Raymond had decided not to go by sea across the
Adriatic but to follow its eastern shore through Istria and Dalmatia. It was an
unwise decision; for the Dalmatian roads were very bad and the population rough
and unfriendly. Istria was crossed without incident; then for forty winter days
the army struggled along the rocky Dalmatian tracks, continually harassed by
wild Slav tribes that hung on its rear. Raymond himself remained with the
rearguard to protect it, and on one occasion only saved his men by erecting
across the road a barrier made of Slav prisoners that he had captured and
cruelly mutilated. He had started out well supplied with foodstuffs; and none
of his men perished on the journey from hunger nor in the fighting. When at
last they reached Skodra, supplies were running low. Raymond obtained an
interview with the local Serbian prince, Bodin, who in return for costly
presents agreed to allow the Crusaders to buy freely in the markets of the
town. But no food was available. The army had to continue on its way in growing
hunger and misery till it reached the imperial frontier north of Dyrrhachium
early in February. Raymond and Adhemar now hoped that their troubles were at an
end.