The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics (228 page)

Realism is the label given to the traditional orthodoxy in political approaches to understanding
international relations
. It is conventional to counterpose realist thinking to
idealism
. Realism dominated the discipline in the decades following the Second World War, and despite numerous challenges is arguably still the prevailing orthodoxy in the discipline. Realism claims an intellectual heritage going back to
Thucydides
,
Machiavelli
,
Hobbes
, and
Rousseau
. Postwar realism was dominated by the writing of E. H. Carr , Hans Morgenthau , and John Herz . A revival under the label neorealism started in the late 1970s led by the work of Kenneth N. Waltz . The term structural realism is preferred by those who seek to widen Waltz's analysis so that it can be combined with work in the liberal tradition that focuses on economic relations, regimes, and
international society
. Realism in all of its forms emphasizes the continuities of the human condition, particularly at the international level. Classical realists tended to find the source of these continuities in the permanence of human nature as reflected in the political construction of states. Neorealists find them in the anarchic structure of the international system, which they see as a vital and historically enduring force that shapes the behaviour and construction of states. On the basis of these continuities, realists see power as the prime motivation or driving force in all political life. Their analytical focus is on the group rather than on the individual, and because it commands power most effectively, the key human group is the state, whether understood as tribe, city-state, empire, or nation-state. Because relations between states are power-driven, and because the anarchic structure provides few constraints on the pursuit of power, realism emphasizes the competitive and conflictual side of international relations. The idea of the
balance of power
is one of the most long-standing analytical tools of realism, and provides the link between the study of power politics generally, and the more specific analysis of military relations in strategic studies. The balance of power has been reconfigured by neorealists as part of a structural analysis in which the distribution of capabilities in the international system, seen in terms of the number of great powers (polarity), is viewed as part of the structure of the international system. This has lead to much work on the difference between bipolar and multipolar systems.
Realist analysis tends to model the state as a unitary rational actor operating under conditions of uncertainty and imperfect information. In this both realism and neorealism borrow consciously from microeconomic theory, seeing states as analogous to firms, anarchic structure as analogous to market structure, and power as analogous to utility. In what amounts to an interesting thought experiment, several historical sociologists writing macrohistorical studies, notably Michael Mann , Charles Tilly , and Perry Anderson , have come to analytical conclusions remarkably similar to a rather crude view of classical realism. Few of these writers had much awareness of the realist tradition in international relations, yet all focus on
war
as crucial to the evolution of the modern state.
From the late 1960s onwards it began to be argued and accepted that the methodology and theory associated with classical realism were anachronistic. Networks rather than billiard balls now appeared the appropriate metaphor for international politics, and behaviouralists were arguing that the work of classical realists did not satisfy the canons of scientific investigation. There was a vigorous academic assault coming from those concerned with interdependence,
political economy
, and transnational relations. This included attacks on the centrality of the state and military power in realist thinking, an accusation that realism was unable to deal with either the issues or the character of international politics in an interdependent world, and a denunciation of the logic and the morality of realism's normative bias towards conflictual assumptions.
Neorealism reasserted the logic of power politics on firmer foundations, exposing the partiality of the interdependence view of international relations, and reaffirming the primacy of American power in the international system. It was much aided by the onset of the second Cold War in 1979, which caught off balance advocates of interdependence and transnationalism, who were still confidently generating explanations premised on the progressive redundancy of force in international relations and the fragmentation of state power. Work emerging from those perspectives during the 1980s in many instances bore traces of theoretical and methodological reassessment deriving from Waltz's critique. With the ending of the
Cold War
one might expect another crisis for realism, but this has yet to take shape, and as the dark side of the demise of communist power comes to the surface, much in the realist canon is being reaffirmed.
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Realpolitik
, a German term meaning in English the politics of the real, refers to the realist's determination to treat politics as they really are and not as the idealist would wish them to be. ‘Machiavellianism’ and
machtpolitik
or power politics are similar terms.
Realpolitik
is most commonly used in connection with foreign policy.
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Process whereby an elected official may be subject to an election which can lead to loss of office before his or her term of office has expired if a specified number or percentage of electors sign a petition calling for such an election. The recall device is widely available at state and local level in the United States, but is rarely used successfully.
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A mechanism which allows voters to make a choice between alternative courses of action on a particular issue. The result of the referendum may then be embodied in the particular state's constitution; it may be mandatory before an international treaty can be signed; it may serve as the equivalent of legislation; it may be necessary before public funds can be raised for a particular purpose; or it may simply be advisory. In some countries, such as Britain, the referendum has been effectively limited to big constitutional issues. In countries or states where there is more extensive use of the referendum, it is usual for a referendum question to be placed before the electorate if a given number or percentage of signatures can be obtained from electors in a specified time period, although there may also be provision for a referendum initiated by the head of government (as in France) or the legislature. Polities which make extensive use of the referendum such as Switzerland, or the state of California, encounter a number of difficulties. The ability of governments and legislatures to pursue coherent policies is weakened. Political parties become less important as mechanisms for developing policy options. Voters find it difficult to decide on complex issues, and may rely on politicians or the media to guide their choice, or use the referendum to make a general protest against current government policy. Mutually contradictory propositions may be approved at the same time. Too frequent use of the referendum may lead to ‘voter fatigue’ with declining turnout. Politicians may use the referendum as a publicity device, while in California political consulting firms specialize in raising funds to launch a referendum campaign. Nevertheless, electors in those countries which use the referendum are generally reluctant to discard it. It can be defended as a means of ensuring that politicians do not lose touch with the preferences of the electorate.
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