The French Way (59 page)

105
. Bettati,
Responsables
, 70.

106
. Sanitas,
Le Sang et le SIDA
, 44-6; Bettati,
Responsables
, 69-70.

107
. Casteret,
LAffaire
, 167.

108
. Bettati,
Responsables
, 75, estimates that if France required 60 million units in 1985, each of the six largest suppliers—of which Travenol was only one—could produce 250 million units.

109
. Sanitas,
Le Sang et le SIDA
, 48-49.

110
. Casteret,
LAffaire
, 135; Hunter, “Blood Money.”

111
. Bettati,
Responsables
, 59; Casteret,
LAffaire
, 138.

112
. Beaud,
Le Sang contaminé
, 17.

113
. Quoted by Beaud,
Le Sang contaminé
, 77.

114
. Hunter, “Blood Money,” notes that a report to the CNTS in 1992 calculated that there were “about 1000 victims,” excluding those subsequently infected, like spouses. Casteret,
LAffaire
, 192, cites 1,200 victims. Beaud,
Le Sang contaminé
, 10, gives a much lower figure.

115
. Lawrence Altman, “French Sue U.S. over Aids Virus Discovery,”
New York Times
, 14 December 1985, 1.

116
. Lawrence Altman, “Discoverers of AIDS and Cancer Viruses Win Nobel,”
New York Times
, 7 October 2008, A8.

117
. The percentages were: John F. Kennedy, 78; Ronald Reagan, 33; Dwight D. Eisenhower, 30; Richard Nixon, 15; Jimmy Carter, 7; Harry S. Truman, 6; Lyndon Johnson, 1; and Gerald Ford, 1. All the survey data for this and the following paragraph come from SOFRES/Le
Figaro
, October 1988.

118
. The distribution was: Mitterrand, 41 percent; Gorbachev, 40 percent; Thatcher, 32 percent; and Reagan, 26 percent. Helmut Kohl received only 3 percent.

119
. The response to a question about which superpower was more sincere about limiting the arms race was almost identical to that about world peace. That is, those who saw no difference on this issue increased from 1985, from 33 percent to 39 percent, and among those who selected a superpower there was more balance: 28 percent chose the United States and 17 percent the USSR in 1988, compared to 36 percent and 9 percent, respectively, in 1985. In 1985 half the French found the United States more attached to world peace than the Soviet Union and only a quarter saw no difference between the superpowers. But by 1988, 40 percent saw no difference between Reagan and Gorbachev and those giving precedence to the United States had fallen to one-third.

120
. Jan Krauze, “L'héritage en trompe-l'œil de Ronald Reagan,”
Le Monde
, 3 November 1988, 1, 6.

121
. François Hautier, “L'antirêve américain,”
Le Figaro
, 9 November 1988, 6.

122
. Philippe Lefournier, “Rajeunie mais ruinée,”
L'Expansion
, 23 September-6 October 1988, 50-53.

123
. Jacques Renard, “Les cactus du bureau ovale,”
L'Express
, 11 November 1988, 44-45.

124
. Marie-Claude Descamps, “Une morale à la carte,”
Le Monde
, 3 November 1988, 6; Saul Landau, “L'administration la plus corrompue,”
Le Monde diplomatique
, December 1988, 4-5.

125
. Pierre Lellouche, “Le ligne de défense du Président Bush,”
Le Point
, 14 November 1988, 34-35. Patrick Wajsman, “Bush ou Dukakis?”
Le Figaro
, 4 November 1988, 2. Christian Menanteau, “A la recherche du social-libéralisme,”
L'Expansion
, 23 September-6 October 1988, 62-63, posited that Americans were attached to Reagan's gains but wanted a society less cynical about personal success and one that paid more attention to the problems of minorities and the poor. On the left François Sargent, “Un inconnu dans le fauteuil du Président,”
Libération
, 10 November 1988, 4, disapproved of Bush's campaign, calling it “mean” and “demagogic,” but found him decent and experienced, a perpetual second in command who was difficult to assess as a future president. The article “La dernière victoire de Ronald Reagan,”
Le Monde
, 10 November 1988, 1, optimistically viewed Bush as “ less doctrinaire and messianic” than Reagan.

126
. SOFRES/Le
Figaro
, October 1988.

127
. The words most frequently selected to describe the United States were:
power
(56 percent),
dynamism
(32 percent),
wealth
(31 percent), and
liberty
(30 percent). More pejorative selections were:
violence
(28 percent),
racism
(27 percent),
inequality
(25 percent),
moral laxity
(15 percent), and
imperialism
(12 percent). See SOFRES/Le
Figaro
, October 1988.

128
. Gallup/French American Foundation, 1986. Over half admitted, however, that they were poorly informed about the United States.

Chapter 2. Anti-Americanism in Retreat: Jack Lang, Cultural Imperialism, and the Anti-Anti-Americans

1
. Philippe Urfalino, “De l'anti-impérialisme américain à la dissolution de la politique culturelle,”
Revue française de science politique
, 5 October 1993, 834.

2
. David Loosley,
The Politics of Fun: Cultural Policy and Debate in Contemporary France
(Oxford: Berg, 1995), 77. My account of Lang's policies relies heavily on Loosley's study. See also Laurent Martin,
Jack Lang: une vie entre culture et politique
(Brussels: Éditions Complexe, 2008).

3
. Frédéric Edelmann and Colette Godard, “Un entretien avec M. Jack Lang,”
Le Monde
, 5 September 1981, 8.

4
. Mark Hunter,
Les Jours les plus Lang
(Paris: Éditions Odile Jacob, 1990), 116.

5
. Jack Lang, quoted in “Le discours de Mexico: ‘La culture peut être l'une des réponses à la crise,'”
Le Monde
, 7 August 1982, 2, and in Martin,
Jack Lang
, 243.

6
. Lang, quoted in “Le discours de Mexico,” 2.

7
. Marcel Niedergang, “Les délégués du tiers-monde soutiennent la ‘croisade' de M. Lang contre les Etats-Unis,
Le Monde
, 30 July 1981, 5.

8
. Marcel Niedergang, “La France veut être un pont entre le Nord et le Sud,”
Le Monde
, 23 July 1982, 5; Marcel Niedergang, “M. Fidel Castro compte sur l'aide de la France,”
Le Monde
, 28 July 1982, 6.

9
. Lang, quoted in “Le discours de Mexico,” 2.

10
. Tahar Ben Jelloun, quoted in A. Monnerie,
Le Nouvel Observateur. En France aujourd'hui, idées, arts, spectacles
(Paris: CLE International, 1987), 14.

11
. Gérard Blain, “Le poison américain,”
Le Monde
, 19 September 1981, 23.

12
. “Comité pour l'Identité Nationale: cinéma français et cinéma américain,”
Le Monde
, 17 September 1981, 10.

13
. Hunter,
Les Jours
, 118.

14
. Guy Konopnicki, “A des années-lumière,”
Le Monde
, 7 August 1982, 2; Guy Konopnicki, “Le poison français,”
Le Monde
, 10 October 1981, 2.

15
. Alain Finkielkraut, quoted in Monnerie,
Nouvel Observateur
, 15.

16
. André Glucksmann, quoted in Philippe Boggio, “Le silence des intellectuels de gauche,”
Le Monde
, 27 July 1983, 6.

17
. Michel Tournier, quoted in Monnerie,
Nouvel Observateur
, 15.

18
. Georges Suffert,
Les Nouveaux Cow-boys: essai sur l'anti-américanisme primaire
(Paris: Éditions Olivier Orban, 1984), 9-11; Jean Daniel, “Les mythes américains de la gauche française,” in
Le Reflux américain
(Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1980), 115.

19
. Claude-Jean Bertrand, “L'impérialisme culturel américain, un mythe?”
Esprit
, May 1985, 76.

20
. Jacques Julliard, “Cette souris est-elle dangereuse?”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 3-9 January 1986, 20-27.

21
. Gilles Anquetil attacked Moati in “Les socialistes de 1981…,”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 3-9 January 1986, 21.

22
. Julliard, “Cette souris est-elle dangereuse?” 21.

23
. Pierre Daix, “Une démission de la France,”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 7 August 1982, 21.

24
. Bernard-Henri Lévy, “Anti-américanisme primaire,”
Le Matin de Paris
, 3 August 1982, ii.

25
. On the silence of the intellectuals, see Max Gallo, “Les intellectuels, la politique et la modernité,
Le Monde
, 26 July 1983, 7; Philippe Boggio, “Le silence des intellectuels de gauche,”
Le Monde
, 23 July 1983, 1, 6, and 28 July 1983, 6; and Jean-Denis Bredin, “Les intellectuels et le pouvoir socialiste,”
Le Monde
, 22 December 1981, 1, 5, 12. For analysis see Diana Pinto, “The Left, the Intellectuals and Culture,” in
The Mitterrand Experiment
, ed. George Ross, Stanley Hoffmann, and Sylvia Malzacher (Oxford: Polity Press, 1987), 217-28.

26
. Quotes in this paragraph come from Lang, “Ne confondons pas les artistes et les multinationals,” 7 August 1982, quoted in Monnerie,
Nouvel Observateur
, 13. See also Jack Lang, “Jack Lang, ‘Je ne suis pas anti-américain,'” interview with Richard Liscia, Jean-Vincent Richard, and Jérôme Garcin,
Les Nouvelles littéraires
, 28 October 1982, 10-12.

27
. Samuel Freedman, “French Minister Cites U.S. Cultural Influence,”
New York Times
, 16 November 1984, C26.

28
. Loosley,
Politics
, 90.

29
. Urfalino, “De l'anti-impérialisme américain,” 847.

30
. Diana Pinto, “Mitterrand, Lang and the Intellectuals,”
Conference Group on French Politics and Society Newsletter
, May 1983, 10-12.

31
. Raymond Sokolov, “Junket of the Year: ‘Les Intellos.'”
Wall Street Journal
, 15 February 1983, 32.

32
. “Les intellectuels français répondent,”
Le Matin
, 18 February 1983, 3-4.

33
. Pinto, “Mitterrand,” 12.

34
. Loosley,
Politics
, 158.

35
. My account of Lang and the audiovisual industry depends on Loosley,
Politics
, 197-21; Hunter,
Les Jours
, 158-162, 205-14, 290-97; and Kerry Segrave,
American Television Abroad: Hollywood's Attempt to Dominate World Television
(Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1998), 175-211. Relevant general accounts are Shaun O'Connell, “Television without Frontiers: The European Union's Continuing Struggle for Cultural Survival,”
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law
28 (1996): 501-31; C. Anthony Gifford, “Culture versus Commerce: Europe Strives to Keep Hollywood at Bay,” in
Kazaaam! Splat! Ploof! The American Impact on European Popular Culture since 1945
, ed. Sabrina Ramet and Gordana Crnkovic (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), 37-54.

36
. Hunter,
Les Jours
, 159.

37
. Wendy Pfeffer, “Intellectuals Are More Popular in France : The Case ofFrench and American Game Shows,” in
The Americanization of the Global Village
, ed. Roger Rollin (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Press, 1989), 29.

38
. Cartoon,
Le Monde
, 9-10 August 1987, 11.

39
. Jacques Delors, quoted in Philip Schlesinger, “Europe's Contradictory Communicative Space,”
Daedalus
123 (1994): 31.

40
. Jack Lang, quoted in Segrave,
American Television
, 208.

41
. Max Gallo, quoted in Hunter,
Les Jours
, 292.

42
. Peter Riddell, “Fears of ‘Fortress Europe' Resurface in U.S.,”
Financial Times
, 18 October 1989, 7.

43
. Gifford, “Culture versus Commerce,” 48.

44
. O'Connell, “Television without Frontiers,” 507.

45
. Segrave,
American Television
, 200.

46
. Data compiled by the Centre National de la Cinématographie, reported in Jacques Buob, “Culture: l'assaut américain,”
L'Express
, 7-13 October 1993, 73.

47
. For Lang's promotion of popular music, see Hunter,
Les Jours
, 173, 191-97, 201-4.

48
. Sharon Waxman, “Allons Enfants! Le Jour de rock est arrivé!”
Washington Post
, 8 April 1990, Gi, G5.

49
. Régis Debray, Mitterrand's adviser, told this to an American reporter; see Hunter,
Les Jours
, 157. Lang admitted he had not sought authorization.

50
. Freedman, “French Minister Cites U.S. Cultural Influence.” See also Philippe Gavi, “New Deal audiovisual entre la France et les USA,”
Libération
, 21 November 1984, 16.

51
. Quotations in this paragraph are from Jack Lang, “The Higher the Satellite, the Lower the Culture,”
New Perspectives Quarterly
, Fall 1991, 42-44.

52
. Suffert,
Les Nouveaux Cow-boys
, 9.

53
. One effort at mapping the world of intellectuals is Rémy Rieffel,
La Tribu des clercs: les intellectuels sous la Ve République, 1958-1990
(Paris: Éditions Calmann-Lévy, 1993).

54
. Pierre Grémion, “Ecrivains et intellectuels à Paris,”
French Politics and Society
16 (1998): 5. See also Pierre Grémion,
Paris-Prague
(Paris: Éditions Julliard, 1985).

55
. This is a major theme in Michael Scott Christofferson,
French Intellectuals against the Left
(New York: Berghahn, 2004).

56
. See Jean-Philippe Mathy,
Extrême-Occident: French Intellectuals and America
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).