Kachina and the Cross (57 page)

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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 279
reintroduce the Spaniards in 1700. This explanation seems a bit far-fetched to me.
For the period after mid-century, see the various articles in Scholes,
Troublous Times
. Much of the material on the López de Mendizábal period comes from a series of AGN documents, including Inquisición, tomos 587, 593, 594, and 596 (Scholes Collection, CSWR). The Rodriguez Cubero document with its information about language use among the missionaries (Autto en estta Villa de Santa Fee en [Sept. 4-9, 1699], Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, BNM 4:29) is courtesy of the Vargas Project, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. See esp. fols. 5v, 7r, 9r, 11V, 12V, 14V. Concentration on young people by the missionaries is discussed in Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, pp. 74-76; see also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 261-62. For the Salvador de Guerra episode, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 1, pp. 145-46; see also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 262. Guerra's reputation was still very much a matter of public record in the 1660s. For example, Mendizábal's alcalde for the Tompiro area, Nicolás de Aguilar, prosecuted by the Inquisition, repeated the horror stories of Guerra and of Fray Francisco de Velasco of Zuni. See Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 141.
Construction of medieval European churches is discussed in F. and J. Gies,
Cathedral, Forge, and Waterwheel
(Harper Perennial, New York, 1995), pp. 129-39. For details of mission and convent construction in seventeenth-century New Mexico, see J. E. Ivey,
In the Midst of a Loneliness: The Architectural History of the Salinas Missions
(Southwest Cultural Resources Center, Professional Papers, no. 15, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1988), esp. pp. 35-54; G. Kubler,
The Religious Architecture of New Mexico
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1990 [originally published in 1940]; and J. O. Brew, "The Excavation of Franciscan Awatovi," and R. G. Montgomery, "San Bernardo de Aguatubi, An Analytical Restoration," pp. 45-108 and pp. 109-288, respectively,
Franciscan Awatovi
, Papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. 36, R. G. Montgomery, W. Smith, and J. O. Brew, eds. and authors, Cambridge, Mass, 1949). Kubler (
Architecture
, p. 38 n. 1) gives only two examples of the use of the arch in New Mexican churches which have "any antiquity." Of the two, the mission station at Pecos is clearly eighteenth century or later, and the Isleta example almost certainly so.
Discussion of the actual building of a church and mission is drawn largely from the excellent survey by J. E. Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, pp. 35-54. See also F. V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexico Missions in the Seventeenth Century,"
NMHR
5 (1) (1930): pt. 1, pp. 93-115;
NMHR
5 (2) (1930): pt. 2, pp. 186-210;
NMHR
5 (4) 1930): pt. 3, PP. 386-404. The carpentry skill of the Pecos Indians is discussed by Kessell,
Kiva, Cross, and Crown
, pp. 132-33. See also Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, p. 39; mission bells are discussed on p. 42; for the convento,
Page 280
see pp. 42-43, and also Scholes,
Documents
, pt. 3, p. 199, and J. E. Ivey, ''Another Look at Dating the Scholes Manuscript: A Research Note,"
NMHR
64 (3) (1989): 341-47. For mission and other estancias in seventeenth-century New Mexico, see Ivey,
Famine,
pp. 77-79.
For supplies to maintain a mission, see Scholes,
Supply Service
, pt. 1, pp. 100-105. Use of ink in the missions is discussed in M. Simmons,
Coronado's Land
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1991), pp. 26-29. For heating arrangements, see Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, pp. 166, 167, 178, 188, 224; Montgomery,
San Bernardo
, p. 166; Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, p. 41. For the missionaries' attitude to Hopi coal, see A. de Vetancurt,
Teatro Mexicano
, vol.
3,
Crónica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de México
(Colección Chimalistac de Libros y Documentos Acerca de la Nueva España, 10, José Porrua Turanzas, ed. (Madrid, 1961 [first published in 1698]), p. 275. The organ at Abó is mentioned in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 192. There were other organs in New Mexico: see, for example, S. Dougherty, "A Brief Survey of Music on the Camino Real,"
El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro
, G. Palmer, ed. (NMBLM, Cultural Resources Series, no. 11, 1993, pp. 157-68), p. 161.
Most stations had only one missionary. According to Scholes,
Documents
, pt. 2, pp. 52-57, in the mid 1660s, of twenty-five missions listed, seven (Nambé, Picurís, Pecos, Jemez, Sandia, Senecú, and Guadalupe at El Paso) had two missionaries at this time, and only two (Santa Fe and the mission headquarters at Santo Domingo) had three friars in residence. The document, a report to Mexico City on the state of the missions, 1663-66, makes a strong plea for thirty friars (in addition to the thirty-six already serving), most of them to be priests.
The seventeenth-century Pecos church is described in A. C. Hayes,
The Four Churches of Pecos
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1974), pp. 19-28. For a reevaluation of the dating of the various Pecos churches, see C. White, "Adobe Topology and Site Chronology: A Case Study from Pecos National Historical Park,"
Kiva
61 (4) (1996): 347-63. Discussion of the kivas included in convento areas is given in Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, pp. 415-21 (appdx. 5). See also J. Ivey, "Convento Kivas in the Missions of New Mexico,"
NMHR
73 (2) (1998): 121-52. See esp. pp. 140-41 for comments on the Humanas and Awatovi kivas. Information on the Pecos kiva comes from Ivey, personal communication. A Spanish use of kivas as a meeting place to confer with Indian leaders is given in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 342. Information on the rebuilding of kivas after the Pueblo Revolt comes from Vélez de Escalante,
Extracto de noticias
, p. 66; see also C. W. Hackett and C. C. Shelby,
Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín's Attempted Reconquest, 1680-1682
(The University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1942, 2 vols.), vol. 1, pp.
Page 281
cxxix, and vol. 2, p. 207. A continuation of native religious practices in the first decades of the eighteenth century is discussed in A. L. Knaut,
The Pueblo Revolt of 1680
(University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), see esp. pp. 72-87. The patol comment can be found in Scholes,
First Decades
, p. 240; see also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 217. Contacts between Zuni and the Tompiro towns is discussed in Riley,
Frontier People
, pp. 246-48.
The sixteenth-century Franciscan practice of utilizing Native American cultural items to better introduce Christianity is discussed in J. Cortés Castellanos,
El catecismo en pictogramas de Fr. Pedro de Gante
(Publicaciones de la Fundación Universitaria Española, Biblioteca Histórica Hispanoamericana, 10, Madrid, 1987). See also W. Browne, "When Worlds Collide: Crisis in Sahagún's
Historia universal de las cosas de la Nueva España
,"
Colonial Latin American Historical Review
5 (2) (1996): 101-49, pp. 110-11.
Chapter 9, Spanish Society In New Mexico
A count of settlers with Oñate is found in D. H. Snow,
First Colonists
, p. 3. For an analysis of encomenderos in New Mexico, consult D. H. Snow, "A Note on Encomienda Economics in Seventeenth Century New Mexico,"
Hispanic Arts and Ethnohistory in the Southwest
, M. Weigle, ed. (Ancient City Press, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1983), pp. 347-57. For population figures, see Jones,
Paisanos
, p. 110; Scholes,
Civil Government
, p. 96 and n. 44; Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 108, 119-20, 327-328, n. 133. Additional information is given in Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, pp. cvii-cxvii. The 401 Spaniards killed or missing was in fact an underestimate. What Otermín said in his statement of September 29 at La Salineta was that the casualty list included "the Father
Custodio
, the head of this church, eighteen priests, two lay friars, making the number twenty-one, and more than three hundred and eighty Spaniards, men, women and children, together with some servants, among whom were seventy three Spaniards capable of bearing arms." See, R. E. Twitchell,
Spanish Archives of New Mexico
, (Torch Press, Cedar Rapid, Iowa, 1914, 2 vols.), vol. 1, p. 44. The 2,500 figure for escapees is given on p. 39. For estancias in the Alameda area, see Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, p. 11. This is taken from the Auto of Juan Huarte (Auto Pertenecientes, ff. 18-19; see
Revolt
, vol. 2, pp. 227-28).
A. R. Knaut (
The Pueblo Revolt of 1680
, University of Oklahoma Press, 1995) takes issue with these figures (pp. 133-35). He believes that "the number of people of European background residing in New Mexico on the eve of the revolt stands near one thousand" (134). Knaut also disagrees with the count of 401 settlers killed. Knaut, however, seems to be mainly interested in sorting out the race mixture, or
Page 282
as he calls it, "miscegenation." If he is actually trying to get a count of more or less
pure-blood
Spaniards or other Europeans (as against Indians or the various castes, especially mestizos), a thousand is perhaps too high. Knaut does make a good point that Pueblo Indians may be included in the Scholes-Hackett figures.
For material on black or part-black captains in the period around 1670, see Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 269-72. For blacks in Mexico, see J. Landers, "Africans in the Spanish Colonies,"
Historical Anthropology
31 (1) (1997): 84-103; and P. Stern, "Gente de color quebrado: Africans and Afromestizos in Colonial Mexico,"
Colonial Latin American Historical Review
3 (2) (1994): 185-205. For an extended discussion and list of blacks and mulattos in early New Mexico, consult D. H. Snow, "Afro-New Mexicans in the Colonial Era,"
New Mexico Genealogist
37 (2) (June 1998): 1-11; Snow calls Alvaro García Holgado ''a prominent mulato" (3). See p. 1 in ''Afro-New Mexicans" for figures on the number of blacks in New Spain in 1650. For lists of specific mixed-blood individuals, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 1, p. 140. The comments on Roque Madrid come from Walz,
El Paso
, p. 241. See also A. Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 65-68. The most prominent "mestizo" in early New Mexico history was, of course, Cristóbal de Oñate, great-grandson of a daughter of the Aztec emperor Moctezuma II. In his case royalty obviously overrode
mestizaje.
The genealogist José M. Esquibel (personal communication) points out that a number of prominent seventeenth-century New Mexico families had Indian bloodlines. Notable ones were the Griego-Bernal and the Lucero de Godoy/Montoya-Zamora extended families.
The tendency for Spanish settlers to spread out is discussed by M. Ebright, "Breaking New Ground: A Reappraisal of Governors Vélez Capuchin and Mendinueta and Their Land Grant Policies,"
Colonial Latin American Historical Review
5 (2) (1996): 195-233. Important families in New Mexico are discussed in Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 1, pp. 140-41; see also, Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 9-11, 19-23, 24-27, 59-62. For castas in seventeenth-century New Mexico, see Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 5, pp. 308-9; Scholes,
Civil Government
, pp. 96-97; Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 10, 82. For a study of castas beginning at the close of the seventeenth century, see A. Bustamante, "'The Matter was Never Resolved': The Casta System in Colonial New Mexico, 1693-1823,"
NMHR
66 (2) (1991): 143-63. Bustamante's comments on blurring of the caste system come on pp. 144-45. For more on Isabel Olvera, see M. J. Cook, "Daughters of the Camino Real,"
El Camino Real del Tierra Adentro
, G. G. Palmer, ed. (BLM, New Mexico State Office, Santa Fe, 1993), pp. 147-56), pp. 149-50. The evidence for a caste society is given by Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, pp. 176-206. The quote by Domínguez on the physical appearance of Santa Fe in 1776 comes from E. B.

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