Kachina and the Cross (56 page)

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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 275
Information on mining in early New Mexico comes in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 109. For the instructions to Peralta, see the transcription of L. B. Bloom, "Ynstrucción a Peralta por Vi-Rey,"
NMHR
4 (2) (1929): 178-87. See also L. B. Bloom, "When Was Santa Fe Founded?"
NMHR
4 (2) (1929): 188-201. The founding of the Franciscan custodia in New Mexico is discussed in great detail in Scholes,
Ecclesiastical History
, esp. pp. 52-59. For the numbers of encomenderos, see John,
Storms
, pp. 67-68; also Hickerson,
Jumano
, p. 79. For the organization of the province into subdivisions, see F. V. Scholes, ''Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century,"
NMHR
10 (2) (1935): 71-111, pp. 91-92.
Events of the Eulate governorship are told in Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 3; the decrees of 1621 are discussed on pp. 151-56. See also the letter from Viceroy D. Fernández de Córdova to Governor Eulate dated Mar. 10, 1620 (L. B. Bloom, "A Glimpse of New Mexico in 1620,"
NMHR
3 (4): 357-80, esp. pp. 365-68; for the enslavement of Pueblo orphan children, see pp. 149, 170 n. 21.; see also Scholes,
Civil Government
, p. 83. Scholes doubted that the authorities in Mexico City actually considered the orphans "slaves" in the legal sense of the word. Documents relating to the Eulate investigation can be found in Inquisición, Siglo XVII, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City, (AGN), tomo 257. For the Benavides period, see Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 3, 162-63, 173; chap. 4, p. 283. For a sketch of Benavides's life and ambitions, see Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, pp. ix-xxii.
Missionization of the Jumano is discussed in Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, pp. 56-62. The Maria de Jesús story (with commentary by the editors) is on pp. 58-61. See also Hickerson,
Jumano
, pp. 86-102, for general material on the Jumanos, and for Mother Maria, note esp. pp. 91-94. See also Hodge, Hammond and Rey,
Benavides 1634.
For the founding of missions in the Perea-Salas period, see John,
Storms,
pp. 78-79, and A. C. Hayes, J. N. Young, and A. H. Warren,
Excavation of Mound 7: Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico
(National Park Service, Publications in Archeology, 16, Washington, D.C., 1981), pp. 5-6. The final years of Perea's service are given in Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 5, pp. 298-99.
For the quote on Rosas's character, see Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 5, p. 297. The cabildo was still favorable to Rosas in the letter to the viceroy cited above (Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 66-74). For the events of Rosas life, see Scholes,
Church and State
, chaps. 5 and 6; for information on Ortiz and his wife, Maria Bustillas, see chap. 6, pp. 337-47; see also Chávez,
New Mexico Families
, pp. 10, 83. A summary of the period after Rosas is given in Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 7, pp. 102-6. For a list of seventeenth-century Franciscan prelates in New
Page 276
Mexico, see F. V. Scholes, "Mission Chronology" (manuscript in author's possession, dated 1949-50). For Father Prada's petition to the king, see Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 106-15; Governor Martínez de Baeza's population figures are found on p. 119. See also O. L. Jones,
Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain
(University of Oklahoma Press, 1979), pp. 110, 129.
A list of New Mexico governors for the period can be found in C. W. Polzer, T. C. Barnes, and T. H. Naylor,
The Documentary Relations of the Southwest, Project Manual
(Arizona State Museum, Tucson, 1977), p. 95. The events from the Pacheco governorship through the confused years of López de Mendizábal and Peñalosa have been documented by F. V. Scholes, "
Troublous Times
in New Mexico,"
NMHR
12 (2) (1937): 134-74 (chaps. 1 and 2);
NMHR
12 (4) (1937): 380-452 (chaps. 3 and 4);
NMHR
13 (1) (1938): 63-84 (chap. 5);
NMHR
15 (3) (1940): 249-68 (chap. 6);
NMHR
15 (4) (1940): 369-417 (chaps. 7 and 8);
NMHR
16 (1) (1941): 15-40 (chap. 9);
NMHR
16 (2) (1941): 184-205 (chap. 10);
NMHR
16 (3) (1941): 313-27 (chap. 11). The Manso-Sacristán story is found in chap. 1, pp. 133-39.
For Tlaxcalans in Santa Fe, see M. Simmons, "Tlascalans in the Spanish Borderlands,"
NMHR
39 (2) (1964): pp. 101-10. See also Bannon,
Spanish Borderlands
, pp. 30, 73, 99, 177; see also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 253; Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 331. However, E. B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chávez (trans. and annots.,
The Missions of New Mexico, 1776
[University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1956], p. 304 n. 2) are somewhat skeptical of this Tlaxcalan settlement andin any casebelieve that if there were Tlaxcalans in Santa Fe, they did not return after the revolt of 1680. David H. Snow (personal correspondence) points out that there is really no evidence for Tlaxcalans as such as against more generalized "Mexican Indians" in the early settlement of New Mexico.
Chapter 8, Missionization
For religion among the Pueblo Native Americans, see E. C. Parsons,
Pueblo Indian Religion
(University of Chicago Press, 1939), vol. 1, pp. 170-209. For the Apachean groups, consult Dutton,
Indians of the Southwest
, pp. 89-96, 121-28. The extent of missionization in the seventeenth century is discussed by Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, see esp. pp. 55-82. Information on libraries in seventeenth-century New Mexico is given by E. B. Adams and F. V. Scholes, "Books in New Mexico, 1598-1680,"
NMHR
17 (3) (1942): 226-70. Adams and Scholes say that "the inventories, if we had them, would probably reveal that some of the friars brought with them a few volumes on medicine, science or
Page 277
pseudo-science" (228-29). The extant lists, however, give only the ones mentioned in the text.
A discussion of Galileo and his contemporaries and the development of modern astronomy is given in Boorstin,
The Discoverers,
pp. 312-27. Though seventeenth-century Catholics considered all saints to have been living, breathing people at one time, a number of pre-Christian deities also became revered as saints. A well-known example is St. Brigid, the avatar of a Celtic goddess of that name.
"Occam's Razor" (
entia non sunt multiplicanda praeter necessitatem
) refers to the fact that simpler explanations that fit the known facts should be favored over more complex ones, a dictum of modern science.
For the formation of the custodia of New Mexico, see Scholes,
Ecclesiastical History.
Discussion of the first appointment of custodian is on pp. 51-58. For the various mission foundations, see Scholes,
Mission Chronology
, which gives a list of the various missions and their friars as well as names and terms of the various custodians from 1598-1680; see also F. V. Scholes and L. B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629,"
NMHR
19 (4) (1944): 319-36;
NMHR
20 (1) (1945): 58-82. James Ivey (personal communication) has some reservations as to whether the building identified as the early church at Yungue was actually used for ecclesiastical purposes. I am also indebted to Ivey for the information on the sequence of building at Giusewa. For the names of missionaries in the late 1620s, see Scholes and Bloom,
Friar Personnel
, pp. 69-72. More on the return of Father Perea to be custodian is given by Bloom,
Perea
, pp. 223-35. Dating for the rebuilding of the Zuni missions comes from F. V. Scholes, "Correction,"
NMHR
19 (3): 243-46, p. 246.
Father Prada's comments on the extent of New Mexico can be found in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 107-8. For problems of San Pascual, Senecú, and Qualacú, see
Informaciones
, 1601, pp. 14-15; see also Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 318. M. P. Marshall and H. J. Walt (
Rio Abajo: Prehistory and History of a Rio Grande Province
[New Mexico Historic Preservation Program, Santa Fe, 1984], p. 250) (following a suggestion of David Snow) feel that San Pascual may possibly be the first settlement mentioned by Oñate and was actually called Texaamo. Why the Spaniards, three years later, called Qualacú the first settlement is unclear. See also M. P. Marshall,
Qualacú, Archaeological Investigation of a Piro Pueblo
(U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, University of New Mexico Office of Contract Archaeology, 1987), p. 27. Marshall makes the point that the pueblo was probably already in decline by the early seventeenth century, if not before. It may be that only the northwest quadrant of the site was occupied during the period of Spanish colonization (Marshall,
Qualacú
, p. 73). A small amount of Tewa Polychrome at the site
Page 278
(p. 81) suggests that there may have been some, perhaps marginal, occupation past mid-century.
For the foundation of the Manso mission, see O. L. Jones,
Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontiers of New Spain
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1979), p. 112. A very good summary statement on this mission of Guadalupe can be found in V. Walz, "History of the El Paso Area: 1680-1692," Ph.D. dissertation in History, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 1951, pp. 11-21. However, Walz (p. 16) is skeptical of the traditional December 1659 founding date. See also W. H. Timmons,
El Paso: A Borderlands History
(Texas Western Press, El Paso, 1990), esp. pp. 15-17, 310-11. Comments on Zuni in the seventeenth century are given in T. J. Ferguson, "Historic Zuni Architecture and Society: A Structural Analysis," Ph.D. dissertation in Anthropology, (University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 1993), pp. 83-87. The Manso mission and the strategies and problems that beset this effort are discussed in John,
Storms
, p. 92. See also F. V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century,"
NMHR
4 (1) (1929): pp. 45-58 (docs. 1 and 2);
NMHR
4 (2) (1929): 195-201 (doc. 3, Testimonio del estado que tiene la conversion de los Mansos y dedicación de su iglesia). See also AGN Provincias Internas, 35, exp. 3 (Scholes Collection, Center for Southwestern Research [CSWR], University of New Mexico, Zimmerman Library).
For the serious drought that began in 1677, see J. E. Ivey, "'The Greatest Misfortune of All': Famine in the Province of New Mexico: 1667-1672,"
Journal of the Southwest
36(1) (1994): 76-100.
The high mark of sixty-six missionaries is an estimate by Scholes (
Ecclesiastical History
, p. 42). No document to my knowledge actually gives that number, and I have some reservations concerning such a large contingent of Franciscans at any one time. Sexual attitudes of the Indians, especially female, are discussed in Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, p. 51. For the missionaries stationed in New Mexico in 1680, see J. M. Espinosa,
The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1696
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1988), p. 33.
For examples of miracles, see Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, pp. 27-30, 33-34. Gutiérrez (
When Jesus Came
, p. 74) points out that the Taos woman struck by lightning became a cloud spirit, validating to other Pueblo Indians the truth of her position. For Porras's miracle at Hopi, see Riley,
Hopi
, chap. 3. J. O. Brew ("The History of Awatovi," in
Franciscan Awatovi
, Papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. 36, R. G. Montgomery, W. Smith, and J. O. Brew, eds. and authors [Cambridge, Mass, 1949, pp. 1-43], p. 10) suggests that if the Awatovi people believed that a boy was made to see in 1629 by divine intervention, it might help explain why they-of all the Hopi-attempted to

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