Kachina and the Cross (59 page)

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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 287
living conditions in colonial New Mexico comes from M. Simmons, "Hygiene, Sanitation, and Public Health in Hispanic New Mexico,"
NMHR
67 (3) (1992): 205-25); see also Simmons,
Coronado's Land
, pp. 4-7 (skin clothing); pp. 12-16 (hairdressing); pp. 17-20 (cosmetics); pp. 21-25 (sanitary facilities); pp. 31-34 (games); pp. 78-84 (carts). For clothing of the upper classes, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 219, 252-53. Domesticated plants introduced by the Oñate settlers are discussed in Torquemada,
Monarquía indiana
, vol. 1, pp. 672, 678. Torquemada lists barley (
cevada
,
cebada
) twice, but barley was probably not an important crop during this period; however, there is some archaeological evidence for this plant (see Ford,
New Pueblo Economy
, p. 80). Ford also discusses other plants, found both archaeologically and in the early documents; see pp. 76-77, 80. For additional material on cosmetics, see K. C. Ford,
Yerbas
, pp. 124-25. The appearance of New Mexico materials on the shelves of merchants in Chihuahua comes from P. Boyd-Bowman, "Two Country Stores in Seventeenth Century Mexico,"
The Americas
, vol. 28 (3) (1972): 237-51, pp. 240, 241, 244, 247, 248. The quote on ploughs comes from R. F. Dickey,
New Mexico Village Arts
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1949), p. 101.
Age at marriage for women is given by Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, p. 272, for the period 1690-1846. By age fourteen, 11.5 percent of all girls were married; by sixteen, 40 percent; and by eighteen, 63 percent. For family life of the López couple, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 7, pp. 380-88. Information on estancias comes from Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 119. For estancias in the Santa Cruz and Galisteo areas, see J. L. Kessell, R. Hendricks, and M. D. Dodge,
Blood on the Boulders
, vol. 4 of
The Journals of don Diego de Vargas
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1998 [books 1 and 2 paged consecutively]), pp. 609-16. An excellent summary of the estancia situation can be found in Ivey,
Famine
, pp. 77-79. The situation of encomenderos is discussed in H. A. Anderson, "The Encomienda in New Mexico, 1598-1680,"
NMHR
60 (4) (1985): 353-37. For the Salas affair, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 3, pp. 388-89; for the Salas family in revolt times, consult Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, p. xxxiv, and Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 100-101.
Comments on Spanish and Chinese pottery and on Spanish forms and decoration in pottery produced by the Pueblos in the seventeenth century are made by Pierce and Snow,
Another Mexico
, pp. 34-36. A brief account of the Sánchez or Ciénega site (LA 20,000) was given by O. L. Jones and M. Stoller,
Southwestern Mission Research Center Newsletter
29 (102) (1995): 11-12. This important site has been excavated over a period of years by students from Colorado College under the overall direction of M. L. Stoller, with archaeologist D. H. Snow and historians M. E. Jenkins and O. L. Jones. An analysis of the pottery found at LA 20,000
Page 288
using x-ray fluorescence on sherds was published by W. J. Thomas, N. W. Bower, J. W. Kantner, M. L. Stoller, and D. H. Snow, "An X-ray Fluorescence-Pattern Recognition . . . ,"
Historical Archaeology
26 (2) (1992): 24-36. It shows a preponderance of Pueblo sherds, both painted and plain-ware utility ceramics. Among the painted pottery, most of the sherds were Kotyiti Glaze ware, but with some seventeenth-century Teya Matte-paint pottery from farther north on the Rio Grande. For additional information on the Sánchez site, see a series of papers available in the Site Files LA 20,000 in the ARMS area, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico. They include: S. Dillard and K. Davis,
La Ciénega: Ceramic Artifacts of a Spanish Colonial Rancho, LA 20,000
, Dept. of Anthropology, Colorado College, Colorado Springs, 1980), pp. 34-35; K. Boyer, J. Spradley, and S. Wolfe,
The Material Culture of La Cinega
(Colorado College, 1982), pp. 1, 16, 21, 25-28, 35, 38; H. Sergeant, G. Carpenter, and B. Beall,
Faunal Analysis of LA 20000, Sánchez Site, La Ciénega, NM
(Colorado College, 1991), esp. pp. 41-43. For background material, consult A. G. Harper, K. Oberg, and A. Cordova,
Man and Resources in the Middle Rio Grande
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1943), p. 49.
The Majadas site is discussed in D. H. Snow,
Las Majadas Site, LA 591
(Museum of New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology Notes, no. 75, 1973), pp. 11-12,14, 18, 24, 34-35. Also consult A. H. Warren,
The Pottery of Las Majadas
(Museum of New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology Notes, no. 75a, 1979). For the Comanche Springs site, see F. C. Hibben, B. Benjamin, and M. S. Adler, Comanche Springs,
The Artifact
23 (3) (1985): 41-58. In 1997 and 1998 there were reports on a reinvestigation of Comanche Springs, with mapping and some limited archaeology. See A. F. Ramenofsky, S. Penman, R. Flint, and W. X. Chávez,
Comanche Springs Report
(
LA 14904
) (report to the Valley Improvement Association, Belen, New Mexico, 1997); and A. F. Ramenofsky,
Excavation Summary: LA 14904 Comanche Springs
(Report to the Valley Improvement Association, Belen, New Mexico, 1998). Dr. Ramenofsky (personal correspondence, Oct. 5, 1998) stated that she "is revisiting the issue of when the Spanish structures were built, used and abandoned. The ceramics recovered this summer [1998] suggest a mid-seventeenth or even early post revolt occupation."
Room interiors are discussed in Dickey,
New Mexico Village Arts
, esp. pp. 51-52. For additional information on seventeenth-and eighteenth-century
torreones
and room interiors, see Bunting,
Architecture
, esp. pp. 79-83. It should be pointed out that surviving examples of towers are mostly eighteenth century or even later. Bunting (
Architecture
, p. 72) says that the earthen floors were "in some instances sealed with a thin coating composed of clay and animal blood." I could find no documentation on this, and archaeologist Cordelia T. Snow (personal
Page 289
communication) frankly doubts that such floors were in use. Information on sheep and other animals in the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century New World comes from D. K. Abbass, "Herd Development in the New World Spanish Colonies,"
Themes in Rural History of the Western World
, R. Herr, ed. (Iowa State University Press, Ames, 1993), pp. 165-93, esp. p. 180, table 6.2. In northern Mexico, cattle herds increased explosively in the latter part of the sixteenth century. According to Abbass (p. 176), by 1579 even small ranchers in Zacatecas and Durángo owned 20,000 head of cattle and some ranchers held as many as 150,000. In New Mexico there was never a great expanse of cattle herds in the seventeenth century, perhaps because the country was better suited for sheep. The serious iron shortage in the colony is one of the subjects of the cabildo report to the viceroy in 1639 (Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 73).
The amount and variety of goods in seventeenth-century New Mexico, especially the rich clothing and furnishings, are discussed by Pierce and Snow (
Another Mexico
, pp. 33-39). For the price of chocolate, see Boyd-Bowman,
Two Country Stores
, p. 246.
Medicine in seventeenth-century Europe is discussed in C. G. Cumston,
An Introduction to the History of Medicine
(Dorset Press, New York, 1987), pp. 273-317. For texts in medicine, see Scholes and Adams,
Books
, pp. 242, 263. For Mexican medicine, consult G. Schendel,
Medicine in Mexico
(University of Texas Press, Austin, 1968), esp. pp. 45-80 (Aztec medicine) and 85-101 (early Azteco-Spanish medicine). The Aztecs utilized not only plants but animals in their medical practice (38). Medical practices in the military are discussed by B. de Vargas Machuca,
Milicia y descripción de las Indias
(Madrid, Librería de Victoriano Suárez, 2 vols., 1892 [first published in 1599]), vol. 1, pp. 125-40. I have not had a chance to examine the
Florilegio Medicinal
of the Jesuit Juan de Esteyneffer (Steinhöfer), which was published in 1712. Though later than our period, it seems to have contained a variety of information applicable to seventeenth-century New Mexico. For a discussion, see M. A. Kay, "The
Florilegio Medicinal
: Source of Southwest Ethnomedicine,"
Ethnohistory
24 (3) (1977): 251-59.
The great Badianus manuscript was originally written by an Aztec student at the College of Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco. This man, whose Spanish name was Martinus de la Cruz, served as "physician of the College" and seems to have written the first draft of the manuscript in Nahuatl, the Aztec language. Another Aztec student, Juan Badianus, who was proficient in Latin, translated the manuscript into that language. An English edition, translated and annotated by Emily Walcott Emmart, was published as
The Badianus Manuscript: An Aztec Herbal of 1552
(Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1940). For peyote use, see AGN, Inquisición, tomo 304 (Scholes Collection), which also contains several reports of
Page 290
witchcraft. A possible value for bloodletting is discussed in the "Breakthroughs" section of
Discover
18 (12) (Dec. 1997): 38. According to cardiologist David Meyers, bleeding might cut the risk of heart attacks, perhaps by reducing the normal iron levels in blood. According to this argument, iron is a catalyst in cholesterol oxidation, producing oxidized cholesterol, a serious irritant which scars the arteries. Removing blood on a regular basis lowers the amount of iron in the blood. Obviously, a great deal more study is needed before anything definitive can be said about Meyers's idea. Meyers believes that might possibly explain why premenopausal women, with their monthly loss of blood, have fewer heart attacks than do men of the same age group. However, a physician colleague of mine, Richard V. Lee, M.D., points out that postmenopausal women treated with estrogen revert to the favorable ratio enjoyed by younger women. Lee doubts that menses have anything much to do with protection against heart attack.
For comments on the San Miguel infirmary, see Kubler,
Architecture
, p. 79. Lists of medicines that were brought by Oñate and his men can be found in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 104-5, 110-11, 219-20, 255.
Books were reported by the Oñate expedition (see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 253). Oñate's supply of writing paper is listed in the same volume (218). For books in seventeenth-century New Mexico, see Adams and Scholes,
Books
, pp. 256-70. The comments on Fray Juan de Vidania come on pp. 231-33. Also consult E. B. Adams, "Two Colonial New Mexico Libraries, 1704, 1776,"
NMHR
19 (2) (1944): 135-67, pp. 149-51. A number of books at Zuni were reported by de Vargas in 1692. See J. M. Espinosa,
First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1940), pp. 201-3; also listed in Scholes,
Books
, pp. 260-61.
Chapter 10, Bernardo Lopez De Mendizábal
See Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came
, esp. pp. 55-63, for a discussion of Pueblo Indian attitudes toward the Franciscans, and their identification as powerful "Inside Chiefs" (63). For the quotation on the missionary effect on children, see Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 262. The continuation of native ceremonies has been discussed in Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, pp. 420-21. See esp. p. 420 n. 13.
Material on Manso can be found in Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. I, pp. 136-39. See also
Santo Officio contra Doña Theresa de Aguilera . . .
, part 1 of AGN, Inquisición, tomo 596, also Inquisición, tomo 594. A discussion of the Jews in late-medieval Spain and during the reconquest can be found in Kedourie,
Spain and the Jews
. See esp. chap. 1, A. Mackay, "The Jews in Spain

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