Kachina and the Cross (62 page)

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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 299
Production,"
Ceramic Production in the American Southwest
(B. J. Mills and P. L. Crown, eds., University of Arizona Press, Tucson), pp. 200-230. Mills (pp. 223-24) makes the point that Zuni glazing techniques were reintroduced to that western pueblo from the Rio Grande, probably during the early seventeenth century. The time and place of introduction of hornos is somewhat of a mystery, but R. Swentzell ("An Architectural History of Santa Clara Pueblo," master's thesis, Department of Architecture, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 1976) places a Spanish oven at San Ildefonso in 1591, seven years before Oñate. Her source is a rather vague mention in a nineteenth-century government document, and I suspect that such an early oven did not exist. However, it does seem likely that the horno was an early-that is, seventeenth-centuryintroduction to the Pueblos. Montgomery (
San Bernardo de Aguatubi
, p. 166) felt that friars, settlers, and Pueblo Indians alike made extensive use of the outdoor ovens.
For general comments on the flow of handicraft skills from the Spaniards to the Indians, see Pierce and Snow,
Another Mexico
, pp. 22-23. A. H. Schroeder ("Rio Grande Ethnohistory,"
New Perspectives on the Pueblos
, A. Ortiz, ed., University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1972, pp. 40-70, p. 50) comments on Oñate that following "a short stay in San Juan, his colony moved into a pueblo across the river, adapting it to their use, remodeling some rooms and building others, and in the process introduced into the pueblo new items such as fireplaces, sundried adobe bricks, a church, and associated architectural features as well as the tools needed for construction."
Spanish material in Humanas is discussed by Hayes, Young, and Warren,
Excavation of Mound 7
, pp. 166-67. The rebel forge set up at Sandia is reported in Escalante,
Extracto de noticias
, p. 84; see also Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt,
vol. 2, p. 225. For the Hopi pottery situation, see Riley,
Protohistoric Hopi
, chap. 6, pp. 95-96; see also E. C. Adams,
Walpi Archaeological Project, Phase II
, vol. I,
Overview and Summary: A Report Submitted to Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service
(Interagency Archaeological Services, San Francisco, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of contract no. C2504, 1979), p. 47.
The Picurís data come from H. W. Dick, D. Wolfman, C. F. Schaafsma, and M. Wolfman, "Introduction to Picurís Archaeology" (ms. in library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, 1965), pp. 45, 122-23. See also the formal report (H. W. Dick, "Picurís Pueblo Excavations," Dept. Interior, National Park Service, Contract no. D1-14-10-0333-1348, Santa Fe, 1965), which says that San Bernardo Polychrome had been tentatively identified there (p. 146). See also R. B. Woodbury, "Evidence of Prehistoric Farming in the Vicinity of Picurís, New Mexico" (ms. in library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, 1966). The glaze situation at Picurís is found
Page 300
in Dick,
Picurís
, p. 141. C. F. Schaafsma ("Geology in Archaeology,"
Prehistory and History in the Southwest: Collected Papers in Honor of Alden C. Hayes
, N. Fox, ed. [Archaeological Society of New Mexico, no. 11], pp. 5-14, p. 12) says that analysis of the Hopi sherds found in Picurís indicates that the pottery was actually made in the Hopi villages. For Picurís's ability to supply food during the lean year of 1672, see Ivey,
Famine,
p. 85.
The change in fuels at Hopi for pottery firing is suggested by A. de Vetancurt,
Teatro Mexicana
, vol. 3,
Crónica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico
(Colección Chimalistac de Libros y Documentos acerca de la Nueva España, 10, J. Porrua Turanzas, ed., Madrid, 1961 [first published in 1698], p. 275) when he talks about "piedras que sirven de carbon aunque el humo es nocibo por fuerte." Zuni pottery in the mission period is discussed in Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury,
Hawikuh
, pp. 325-34. See also E. K. Reed, "Painted Pottery and Zuni Prehistory,"
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
11 (2): 178-93. Reed (190) suggests that the seventeenth-century continuation of Matsaki Polychrome be called "Concepción Polychrome," but this terminology has not caught on. For seventeenth-century ceramics in the Rio Grande area, see D. H. Snow, "The Rio Grande Glaze, Matte-Paint, and Plainware Tradition,"
Southwest Ceramics: A Comparative View
, A. L Schroeder, ed.,
Arizona Archaeologist
15 (Aug. 1982): 235-78, esp. pp. 257-63. Also consult R. W. Lang, ''The Fields of San Marcos,"
Soil, Water, Biology, and Belief
, H. W. Toll, ed. (New Mexico Archaeological Council, Special. Pub. no 2, 1995), Pp. 41-76.
For a discussion of Spanish animals and plant foods introduced to the Pueblos, see Ford,
New Pueblo Economy
, pp. 75-83; see also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 214-15. Horse and burro bones turn up at Awatovi; see S. J. Olsen,
Bones from Awatovi, No. 1: The Faunal Analysis
(Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, no. 11, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1978), pp. 19-26. Information on pork products in Chihuahua comes from Boyd-Bowman,
Two Country Stores
, p. 247. For pigs at Awatovi, see Olsen,
Bones
, p. 26. Dody Fugate from the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, has given me valuable information on native dogs in the Southwest. Ms. Fugate also pointed out to me the probable sheep dog that hides behind the canine that found water for Oñate's party in the Jornada del Muerto (see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, pt. 1, p. 317). The cat skeleton at Awatovi is reported in Olsen,
Bones
, p. 19. I am grateful to Cordelia T. Snow for bringing the cat mask discussed above to my attention, and for her valuable input on what the ceramic figure represented. The story is that the archaeologist Jesse L. Nusbaum excavated the piece, probably from the convento area of Pecos, in 1915. Louise Stiver, curator of collections, MIAC/LA, cautions that there is
Page 301
some confusion in the cataloging system regarding the cat. In the original Museum of New Mexico catalog number it is listed as a clay bead from the vicinity of Mexico City. The artifact, of course, is not a bead, and Stiver points out that there is a great deal of duplication in the early museum catalog system and much of the original catalog is missing. The cat figurine does have the word "Pecos" written on the interior of the cat's head. There is a catlike creature in a group of petroglyphs on the Zuni Buttes photographed by geologist Dennis Slifer. It was probably made by Native Americans, but the date is unknown.
The millenarian aspect of the Pueblo Revolt is discussed by D. T. Reff, "The 'Predicament of Culture' and Spanish Missionary Accounts of the Tepehuan and Pueblo Revolts,"
Ethnohistory
42 (1) (1995): 63-90, p. 70. For the various pre-revolt Pueblo uprisings, including that of Clemente, see the Declaration of Diego López Sambrano, Dec. 22, 1681, in Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 2, pp. 292-303. The quote about Clemente can be found on pp. 299-300. Other Indian trouble in the pre-revolt period is given by Juan Domínguez de Mendoza in Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 2, p. 266. See also the statement in Escalante,
Extracto de noticias
, pp. 101-4. Bannon (
Spanish Borderlands,
p. 81) calls the Treviño conspirators
"hechiceros . . .
meeting at one of the northern pueblos." The sentences carried out in the Treviño affair were documented by Diego López Sambrano (see Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 2, p. 300). Consult Wilcox,
Changing Perspectives
, p. 397, for the idea that Spanish-Pueblo tensions had lessened in the years immediately before the revolt. It is true that officials in New Spain preferred to hear that Apaches were the basic troublemakers in the Southwest. See, for example, Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 287. J. P. Wilson (''Before the Pueblo Revolt,"
Prehistory and History in the Southwest
, N. Fox, ed., [Archaeological Society of New Mexico, no. II, 1985], pp. 113-20) has pointed out that certain late-century officially reported "Apache raids" may have been in part Pueblo revolts.
For various aspects of the Pueblo Revolt and the years of turmoil leading up to it, see an important collection of articles published as part of a tricentennial-year observation of the revolt in
El Palacio
86 (4) (winter 1980-81). These include (in addition to Kessell, "Clemente," pp. 16-17, cited in chap. 10) M. Simmons, "Why Did It Happen?" pp. 11-15; A. Ortiz, "Popay's Leadership: A Pueblo Perspective," pp. 18-22; H. Agoyo, "The Tricentennial Year in Pueblo Consciousness," pp. 27-31; and T. E. Chávez, "But Were They All Natives?'' p. 32.
For early attempts of a Pueblo-wide revolt, see Hackett and Shelby, vol. 2, pp. 245-46. Escalante (
Extracto de noticias
, p. 95) extracts basically the same information. For the initial information on Poseyemu, see Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, p. 5; see also Fray Angelico Chávez, "Pohé-yemo's Representative and the Pueblo Revolt of 1680,"
NMHR
42 (2) (1967): 85-126, p. 88. For further discussion of
Page 302
Poseyemu, see Parsons,
Pueblo Indian Religion
, vol. 1, pp. 178-79; and A. F. Bandelier,
Final Report of Investigations of Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States
(Archaeological Institute of America, Cambridge, Mass., vol. 1, 1890; vol. 2., 1892), vol. 1, pp. 310-11; vol. 2, pp. 47-50. See also Ortiz,
Popey
, p. 21. A thoughtful analysis of Chávez's paper on Poseyemu is found in S. Beninato, "Popé, Poseyemu, and Naranjo: a New Look at Leadership in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680,"
NMHR
65 (4) (1990): 417-35). In the Rio Grande, the stories about Poseyemu were also entangled with the Montezuma myth, the story spread in historic times of the mighty emperor of the Mexica who extended his power to the Southwest. However, this Montezuma aspect of Poseyemu seems to be post-seventeenth century. For an extended discussion of the Montezuma story, see C. H. Lange, C. L. Riley, and E. M. Lange,
The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1889-1892
(University of New Mexico Press and the School of American Research, Albuquerque and Santa Fe, 1984), pp. 513-17. In regard to the three spirits seen by Popé and described by Pedro Naranjo, consult Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt,
vol. 2, pp. 246-48, 385. For Chávez's analysis, see
Pohé-yemo
, pp. 100-101. Beninato (
Popé, Poseyemu, and Naranjo
, p. 434) tends to accept Fray Angelico Chávez's belief that the three spirits seen by Popé were in fact Aztec deities. For Copala, see J. L. Mecham,
Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya
(Greenwood Press, New York, 1968), pp. 65, 78, 80. See also J. P. Sanchez,
Explorers, Traders, and Slavers
(University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1997), pp. 5, 8, 11. For a Pueblo identification of Popé's spirits, see Ortiz,
Popay
, p. 20, and Parsons,
Pueblo Indian Religion
, vol. 1, pp. 176, 349; and vol. 2, p. 739. Additional information on the Thlatsina can be found in Parsons,
Taos Pueblo
, pp. 109-10. In regard to Popé's political and religious function, Alfonso Ortiz (
Popay,
p. 22) thought that Popé may have seen himself "being needed in a wider leadership role to ensure the long-term success of the Revolt." It must be said, however, that this whole situation remains somewhat murky.
Speculation on the "black man," Poseyemu's representative, can be found in Reff,
Predicament of Culture
, esp. pp. 74, 76-77. Comments on Bartolomé de Ojeda are found in Espinosa,
Revolt of 1696
, p. 240. Not all scholars believe that Popé was primarily a religious figure. J. S. Sando (
Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History
[Clear Light, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1992], p. 177) suggests that he was a war leader. For details on Tupatú of Picurís, see Espinosa,
First Expedition,
pp. 102-7. The curious lack of leaders' names for the Pecos rebels is commented on by Kessell (
Kiva, Cross, and Crown
, pp. 241-42). Kessell (personal communication) thinks that, quite possibly, some of the Ye family at Pecos were involved in the Pueblo Revolt. For details on Pedro Umviro, see Kessell, Hendricks, and Dodge,
Blood on the Boulders
, pp. 748, 749, 751, 854, 879.

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