Triumph and Tragedy (The Second World War) (116 page)

This document suggested that we should at once instruct our armies to occupy their respective zones. As for Germany, he was ready to order all American troops to begin withdrawing on June 21. The military commanders should arrange for the simultaneous occupation of Berlin and for free access thereto by road, rail, and air from Frankfurt and Berlin for the United States forces. In Austria arrangements could be completed more quickly and satisfactorily by making the local commanders responsible for defining the zones both there and in Vienna, only referring to their Governments such matters as they were unable to resolve themselves.

This struck a knell in my breast. But I had no choice but to submit.

Prime Minister to

14 June 45

President Truman

Obviously we are obliged to conform to your
decision, and the necessary instructions will be issued.

2. It is not correct to state that the tripartite
agreement about zones of occupation in Germany was
the subject of “long consideration and detailed
discussion” between me and President Roosevelt.

References made to them at Quebec were brief, and
concerned only the Anglo-American arrangements
which the President did not wish to raise by correspondence beforehand. These were remitted to the
Combined Chiefs of Staff, and were certainly
acceptable to them.

3. As to Austria, I do not think we can make the
commanders on the spot responsible for settling the
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outstanding questions. Marshal Stalin made it quite
plain in his message of May 18 that agreement on the
occupation and control of Austria must be settled by the
European Advisory Commission. I do not believe that
he would agree to change, and in any case our
missions may already have left Vienna. I suggest for
your consideration the following redraft of the
penultimate paragraph of your message to Marshal
Stalin:

“I consider the settlement of the Austrian problem is
of equal urgency to the German matter. The redistribution of forces into occupation zones which have been
agreed in principle by the European Advisory
Commission, the movement of the national garrisons
into Vienna, and the establishment of the Allied
Commission for Austria should take place simultaneously with these developments in Germany. I therefore
attach the utmost importance to settling the outstanding
Austrian problems, in order that the whole arrangement
of German and Austrian affairs can be put into
operation simultaneously. I hope that the recent visit of
American, British, and French missions to Vienna will
result in the European Advisory Commission being able
to take the necessary remaining decisions to this end
without delay.”

4. I for my part attach particular importance to the
Russians evacuating the part of the British zone in
Austria that they are now occupying at the same time
as the British and American forces evacuate the
Russian zone in Germany.

5. I sincerely hope that your action will in the long
run make for a lasting peace in Europe.

The President accepted textually my suggested paragraph about Austria. There was nothing more that I could do. I replied, “I am grateful to you for meeting our views about Austria. As I have already told you, we are conforming to your wishes, and I have so informed Stalin.”

To Stalin I wrote next day:

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Prime Minister to

15 June 45

Marshal Stalin

I have seen a copy of President Truman’s message
to you of June 14 regarding the withdrawal of all
American troops into their own occupation zone,
beginning on June 21, in accordance with arrangements to be made between the respective commanders.

I also am ready to issue instructions to Field-Marshal
Montgomery to make the necessary arrangements in
conjunction with his colleagues for the similar
withdrawal of British troops into their zone in Germany,
for the simultaneous movement of Allied garrisons into
Greater Berlin, and for the provision of free movement
for British forces by air, rail, and road to and from the
British zone to Berlin.

I entirely endorse what President Truman says
about Austria. In particular I trust that you will issue
instructions that Russian troops should begin to
withdraw from that part of Austria which the European
Advisory Commission has agreed in principle should
form part of the British zone on the same date as
movements begin in Germany.

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It must not be overlooked that President Truman had not been concerned or consulted in the original fixing of the zones. The case as presented to him so soon after his Triumph and Tragedy

720

accession to power was whether or not to depart from and in a sense repudiate the policy of the American and British Governments agreed under his illustrious predecessor. He was, I have no doubt, supported in his action by his advisers, military and civil. His responsibility at this point was limited to deciding whether circumstances had changed so fundamentally that an entirely different procedure should be adopted, with the likelihood of having to face accusations of breach of faith. Those who are only wise after the event should hold their peace.

Stalin’s reply to me completed matters.

Marshal Stalin to

17 June 45

Prime Minister

I have received your message concerning the
withdrawal of the Allied troops to their respective zones
in Germany and Austria.

I regret to have to tell you that there are difficulties in
the way of beginning the withdrawal of the British and
American troops to their zones and of introducing
British and American troops into Berlin on June 21, in
that from June 19 onward Marshal Zhukov and all our
other commanders in the field have been invited to
Moscow for the session of the Supreme Soviet, and
also to organise and participate in a parade on June
24. They will be able to return to Berlin by June 28-30.

It must also be borne in mind that work on clearing
Berlin of land mines is still not complete, and that it may
only be completed towards the end of June.

With regard to Austria, I have to repeat what I have
already told you about the summons of Soviet
commanders to Moscow and the date of their return to
Vienna. It is also necessary that in the very near future
the European Advisory Commission should complete its
work on establishing the zones of occupation in Austria
and Vienna, which is still outstanding.

In view of the facts presented above, I would
propose to postpone the withdrawal and replacement

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by the appropriate forces in the respective zones until
July 1, both in Germany and in Austria.

Further, as regards Germany and Austria, it would
be desirable to establish now the zones of occupation
for the French troops.

We will take all necessary measures in Germany
and Austria in accordance with the above plan.

I have written to President Truman too about the
whole matter.

On July 1 the United States and British Armies
began their withdrawal to their allotted zones, followed
by masses of refugees. Soviet Russia was established
in the heart of Europe. This was a fateful milestone for
mankind.

While all this was passing I was plunged into the turmoil of the General Election, which began in earnest in the first week of June. This month was therefore hard to live through. Strenuous motor tours to the greatest cities of England and Scotland, with three or four speeches a day to enormous and, it seemed, enthusiastic crowds, and, above all, four laboriously prepared broadcasts, consumed my time and strength. All the while I felt that much we had fought for in our long struggle in Europe was slipping away and that the hopes of an early and lasting peace were receding. The days were passed amid the clamour of multitudes, and when at night, tired out, I got back to my headquarters train, where a considerable staff and all the incoming telegrams awaited me, I had to toil for many hours. The incongruity of party excitement and clatter with the sombre background which filled my mind was in itself an affront to reality and proportion. I was glad indeed when polling day at last arrived and the ballot papers were safely sealed for three weeks in their boxes.

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While the Soviet armies flooded into their allotted zones without incident the San Francisco Conference, which had sought to frame the World Instrument for peace on which our hearts were set, had reached the conclusion of its labours. Mr. Eden and Mr. Attlee had had to leave on account of the election, but on June 26 I sent my congratulations to Lord Halifax, Lord Cranborne, and all the members of our delegation on the success of their labours and on the quality of the results which, under extraordinary difficulties, had been achieved. “By wisdom in counsel and sincerity of conviction the United Kingdom delegates did much to secure the unity of views without which a World Organisation can have no reality. You have made an invaluable contribution to the re-establishment of a hopeful basis for the future.” Unhappily these hopes have so far been very imperfectly fulfilled.

I have always held the view that the foundation of a World Instrument should be sought on a regional basis. Most of the principal regions suggest themselves — the United States, United Europe, the British Commonwealth and Empire, the Soviet Union, South America. Others are more difficult at present to define — like the Asian group or groups, or the African group — but could be developed with study. But the object would be to have many issues of fierce local controversy thrashed out in the Regional Council, which would then send three or four representatives to the Supreme Body, choosing men of the greatest eminence. This would make a Supreme Group of thirty or forty world statesmen, each responsible not only for representing his own region, but for dealing with world causes, and primarily the prevention of war. What we have now is not effective for that outstanding purpose. The