1775 (98 page)

50.
Bridenbaugh,
Cities in Revolt,
op. cit, p. 272.

51.
Walsh, Rogers, and Fraser, op cit., pp. qx–x, 73–74, and 11–16.

52.
Schultz, op. cit., p. 22.

53.
Ibid., p. 39.

54.
Ibid., p. 45.

55.
Richard Alan Ryerson,
The Revolution Is Now Begun: The Radical Committees of Philadelphia, 1765–1766
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).

56.
Ibid., p. 182–90.

57.
Steven Rosswurm,
Arms, Country and Class
(New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1987), p. 251.

58.
Ibid., p. 253.

59.
Ryerson, op. cit., p. 112.

60.
Ibid., pp. 112–15, 134–35.

61.
Rosswurm, op. cit., p. 57.

62.
For militia details in Virginia, see McDonnell,
Politics of War,
op. cit., pp. 92–102, 105–130. For Maryland, see Hoffman,
Spirit of Dissension,
op. cit., pp. 170–77.

63.
This group includes, among others, Don Higginbotham, Walter Millis, Piers Mackesy, and John Shy, which is to say most of the major military historians who have written about the Revolutionary era.

64.
Galvin, op. cit., p. xiii.

65.
Higginbotham, op cit., p. 12.

66.
Raphael, op cit., chap. 5; Galvin, p. xx.

67.
Higginbotham, op. cit., p. 59.

68.
Zeichner, op. cit., p. 179; Joan Nafic,
To the Beat of a Drum: A History of Norwich, Connecticut During the American Revolution
(Norwich, Conn.: Old Town Press, 1976), p. 51.

69.
Buel,
Dear Liberty,
op cit., p. 166–67.

70.
Seleskey, op. cit., pp. 166–67.

71.
Ibid., pp. 225–26.

72.
Roth, op cit.,
Connecticut’s War Governor,
pp. 33–34.

73.
Ibid.; Zeichner, op. cit., pp. 183–209; Kwasny, op. cit., pp. 4–6.

74.
Kwasny, op. cit., pp. 21–22.

75.
Darrett B. Rutman, “The Virginia Company and Its Military Regime,” in Rutman, ed.,
The Old Dominion: Essays for Thomas Perkins Abernethy
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1964), pp. 1–20.

76.
Shy,
A People Numerous and Armed,
op. cit., p. 33.

77.
Ibid., p. 35.

78.
McDonnell, op. cit., pp. 78–160.

79.
Frakes, op. cit., pp. 170–74.

80.
Greene,
Quest for Power,
op. cit., p. 309.

81.
James M. Johnson,
Militiamen, Rangers and Redcoats: The Military in Georgia 1754–1776
(Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1992), p. xiv.

82.
J. Paul Selsam,
The Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776
(New York: Octagon Books, 1971), p. 22.

83.
Nash,
Urban Crucible,
op. cit., p. 146; Selsam, op. cit., p. 25.

84.
Ibid., pp. 169–70.

85.
Ibid., p. 178; Selsam, op. cit., p. 41.

86.
Selsam, op. cit., pp. 74–76.

87.
Nash,
Urban Crucible,
op. cit., pp. 243–44.

88.
C. H. Firth,
Cromwell’s Army
(London: University Paperbacks, 1962), pp. 15–20.

89.
McDonnell, op. cit., p. 92.

90.
Higginbotham, op. cit., p. 10.

91.
Shy, op. cit., p. 174.

92.
Ibid., p. 175–76.

93.
Piers Mackesy, “The Redcoat Revived,” in William M. Fowler and Wallace Coyle, eds.,
The American Revolution: Changing Perspectives
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1981), p. 182.

94.
Ibid.

95.
Kwasny, op. cit., p. xv.

96.
Ibid., p. 330.

97.
Mackesy, “Redcoat Revived,” op. cit., p. 182; Millis,
Arms and Men,
pp. 34–35.

98.
Shy, op. cit., p. 187.

99.
Royster, op. cit., p. 10.

100.
Kwasny, op. cit., pp. xi and 12.

Chapter 6: Challenge from the Backcountry

1.
Bernard Bailyn,
Voyagers to the West
(New York: Random House, 1986), pp. 14, 15, and 36.

2.
Jack Greene, “Independence, Improvement and Authority,” in Ronald Hoffman, Thad W. Tate, and Peter J. Albert, eds.,
An Uncivil War: The Southern Backcountry During the American Revolution
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1985), pp. 3–4.

3.
Grady McWhiney, in
Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in the Old South
(Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1988), traces the term and the culture back to eighteenth-century Celtic herdsmen. In 1766 a colonial official explained to Lord Dartmouth that Crackers were a “lawless set of rascals on the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas and Georgia, who often change their place of abode.”
Cracker Culture,
p. xiv.

4.
Louis De Vorsey, Jr.,
The Indian Boundary in the Southern Colonies
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), pp. 90–92.

5.
Ibid., p. 111.

6.
Tom Hatley,
The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians Through the Revolutionary Era
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 204–15.

7.
Ibid., p. 180–83.

8.
Bailyn,
Voyagers,
op. cit., p. 36.

9.
Ibid., pp. 30–32.

10.
De Vorsey, op. cit., pp. 9–10

11.
Michael Bellisles,
Revolutionary Outlaw
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1993), pp. 146–47.

12.
De Vorsey, op. cit., p. 81.

13.
Robert D. Mitchell, “The Southern Colonial Backcountry,” in David C. Crass, Steven D. Smith, Martha A. Zierden, and Richard D. Brooks, eds.,
The Southern Colonial Backcountry: Interdisciplinary Perspectives
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998), p. 10.

14.
Bailyn,
Voyagers,
op. cit., p. 3.

15.
Richard J. Hooker, ed.,
The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of Revolution
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953).

16.
Stephen Marini,
Radical Sects of Revolutionary New England
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 1–53 and 63–81.

17.
Holton, op. cit., p. xxx.

18.
Hatley, op. cit., p. 137.

19.
L. W. Turner, op. cit., p. 11.

20.
Bellesisles, op. cit., pp. 91–92.

21.
Kars, op. cit., pp. 79–93.

22.
Klein, op. cit., pp. 48–49; Hatley, op. cit., pp. 180–83.

23.
See, for example, Hatley, op. cit., Klein, op. cit., and Jim Piecuch,
Three Peoples, One King
(Columbia: University of Souh Carolina Press, 2008).

24.
Colin Campbell,
The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 207.

25.
James H. O’Donnell III,
Southern Indians in the American Revolution
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), p. 18.

26.
Piecuch, op. cit., p. 74.

27.
Ibid., p. 54.

28.
Hatley, op. cit., pp.141–45, 152–54.

29.
Ibid., p. 189.

30.
Ibid.

31.
Ibid., p. 199.

32.
Piecuch, op. cit., p. 70.

33.
Edward J. Cashin, “Sowing the Wind,” in Harvey Jackson and Phinzy Spalding, eds., in
Forty Years of Diversity: Essays on Colonial Georgia
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), pp. 243, 245.

34.
O’Donnell, op. cit., p. 30.

35.
Holton, op. cit., p. 14.

36.
Lovejoy,
Religious Enthusiasm in the New World,
op. cit., pp. 215–22.

37.
In Massachusetts, as in Virginia, Baptist leaders at odds with the province’s dominant religious elite found it politic to come to terms. During the early 1770s, the priority of Bay Colony Baptists, led by Isaac Backus, perhaps 5 to 8 percent of all churchgoers, had been to oppose the Congregationalist state church and seek relief from paying local taxes that went to support it. After the fighting began in 1775, rank-and-file Baptists largely took the Patriot side, as did preacher Backus and the regional Warren Association, but they gained some of their demands for freedom of conscience and greater relief from taxation and certification laws. Marini, op. cit., p. 23. Official disestablishment of the Massachusetts Congregational Church took another half century.

38.
Like Anglicanism in the southern backcountry, by the 1770s the Congregationalist establishment in southern New England could not provide ministers for many of the new towns in northern hills, to the benefit of Baptists and other radical sects who filled the gap, often with itinerants. In the future Vermont, Baptists and other sects sometimes took root under New York auspices, and Patriot Ethan Allen actually whipped one Baptist preacher holding office as a New York justice. A. M. Henessy,
Vermont Historical Gazetteer,
vol. I, Burlington, Vt., 1868, Arlington section. In New Hampshire, Anglicans were those most disposed to Loyalism, but Baptist neutralism has been well documented. In 1776, Baptists had only eleven parishes and five clergymen in the province. “Of the five Baptist ministers three signed the Association test and two opposed it…. Furthermore, in ten of the towns where Baptists predominated considerable numbers refused the [Patriot loyalty] Test.” Richard F. Upton,
Revolutionary New Hampshire
(Hanover, N.H.: Dartmouth College Press, 1936), p. 61. According to another study, Baptists in New Hampshire “were lukewarm to the Revolution and to the Congregational leadership thereof because they saw a threat to their weak church in its battle for equality before the law.” Charles B. Kinney,
Church and State in New Hampshire
(New York: Columbia University Teachers College, 1955), p. 84.

39.
Bellesisles, op. cit., p. 260.

40.
Wesley M. Gewehr,
The Great Awakening in Virginia, 1740–1790
(Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1965), p. 117.

41.
Kars, op. cit., pp. 180–85.

42.
John W. Brinsfield,
Religion and Politics in Colonial South Carolina
(Easley, S.C.: Southern Historical Press, 1983), p. 150.

43.
Gewehr, op. cit., p. 213.

44.
As in Massachusetts, Virginia Baptists faced an immediate choice in 1775: Would they rally? On August 14, 1775, the General Association of Virginia Baptists petitioned the Virginia Convention to allow Baptist ministers to preach to those of their brethren who were enlisting. However, at that same meeting, papers were prepared for circulation at churches stating that while the colony was contending against Britain, Baptists should maintain strong unanimity among themselves and petition for all religious privileges previously denied them. William Parks, “Religion and the Revolution in Virginia,” in Richard Rutyna and Peter Stewart, eds.,
Virginia in the American Revolution: A Collection of Essays,
Vol. I (Norfolk, Va.: Old Dominion University Press, 1977), p. 50. Regimental and battalion chaplains were provided for by the convention in several 1775 resolutions, but in some cases, Baptist ministers did not serve as chaplains but as company commanders. Preacher William McClanahan became captain of the Culpeper Minute Battalion in the summer of 1776. William J. Terman,
The American Revolution and the Baptist and Presbyterian Clergy of Virginia
(Michigan State University: doctoral dissertation, 1974), pp. 176–177.

45.
Candor has become less common in recent decades. However, from the 1930s through the 1970s, Southern Baptist publications and scholars were reasonably forthright in discussing some of the dubious patriotism, leadership, and unacceptable behavior of Separate Baptists in the Carolinas between the 1760s and the period a quarter century later when mergers of Regular and Separate Baptists subdued the latter’s behavior and Baptists in general took on more middle-class characteristics. Mercer University’s
Baptist
series included a biography of early Baptist stalwart Richard Furman that discussed how Revolutionary-era differences between “emotionally rowdy” Separates and “deliberately restrained” Regulars kept the two at odds. In that same account, Baptist leader and historian Morgan Edwards, who played down Separate deviations, was dismissed as “an Englishman and a Tory whose British sympathies during the War for Independence so discredited his reputation among Baptist leaders that the records of the Philadelphia Association, in which he had once been a central and commanding figure, contain no reference to his plans for a general chartered organization of Baptists.” James A. Rogers,
Richard Furman
(Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press [reprint], 2001), pp. xxxiii, 169–70).

46.
This is a difficult subject. Over the last few decades, Methodist historians have been more willing to discuss the disloyalty charges made against Methodists in Maryland between 1776 and 1779. Similarly, a book published in the bicentennial year by the Reformed Church in America included a chapter acknowledging the fact that a large minority of Dutch Reformed Church adherents in New York and New Jersey had been Tories or neutrals: James Van Hoeven, ed.,
Piety and Patriotism
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans, 1976), pp. 17–33.

47.
David A. Benedict,
A General History of the Baptist Denomination in America and Other Parts of the World
(Boston: Manning and Loring, 1813), vol. 2, p. 29, quoted in Rogers,
Richard Furman,
op. cit., p. 14.

48.
Kars, op. cit., p. 112.

49.
Ibid., pp. 128–29.

50.
Ibid., pp. 86–93.