The French Way (67 page)

129
. Alain Juppé, quoted in Leblond, “Le dossier agricole,” 225. Balladur also appraised the negotiations as a French success; see Balladur,
Le Pouvoir
, 166-67.

130
. David Hanley, “France and GATT: the Real Politics of Trade Negotiations,” in
France from the Cold War to the New World Order
, ed. Tony Chafer and Brian Jenkins (New York: St. Martin's, 1996), 140-49.

131
. For a contrary interpretation that asserts that “French stubbornness had won the day,” see Brenner and Parmentier,
Reconcilable Differences
, 77.

132
. Hervé de Charette, quoted in Petras and Morley, “Contesting Hegemonies,” 63.

133
. Craig Whitney, “Ignoring U.S., France Signs Accord Protecting Cuba Ties,”
New York Times
, 26 April 1997, 3.

134
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Gallis,
France: Current Foreign Policy Issues
, 19.

135
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Petras and Morley, “Contesting Hegemonies,” 64.

136
. Hervé de Charette, quoted in Gallis,
France: Current Foreign Policy Issues
, 19.

137
. Unidentified official, quoted in Steven Erlanger and David Sanger, “On World Stage, Many Lessons for Clinton,”
New York Times
, 29 July 1996, A15.

138
. Madeleine Albright, quoted in Petras and Morley, “Contesting Hegemonies,” 64.

139
. Roger Cohen, “France Scoffs at U.S. Protest over Iran Deal,”
New York Times
, 20 September 1997, A12.

140
. Bill Clinton, “Second Inaugural Address of William J. Clinton; January 20, 1997,”
http://www.usa-presidents.info/inaugural/clinton-2.html
.

141
. Bill Clinton, “Address by the President to the Democratic National Convention,” 29 August 1996,
http://www.4president.org/speeches/clintongore1996convention.htm
.

142
. A high French official ignited a brushfire when, on the eve of the 1996 presidential elections, he suggested in offhand remarks to the press that Warren Christopher's African tour might boost Clinton's vote among African Americans; Coudurier,
Le Monde selon Chirac
, 282-83. Christopher, always prickly about the French, later wrote, “The time has passed when outside powers could view whole groups of states as their private domain”; Warren Christopher,
In the Stream of History
(Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 1998), 474.

143
. Jacques Godfrain, former head of ministry for African cooperation, quoted in Tom Masland, “Fighting for Africa,”
Newsweek
, 30 March 1998, 32.

144
. In 1995, Herman Cohen, assistant secretary of state for African affairs, stated while addressing a U.S.-African trade conference that “the African market is open to everyone” and asserted the United States could “no longer afford to accept France's determination to maintain its privileged
chasse gardée
within the economic realm”; quoted in Asterias C. Huliaras, “The ‘Anglo-Saxon Conspiracy': French Perceptions of the Great Lakes Crisis,”
Journal of Modern African Studies
36, no. 4 (1998): 603-4.

145
. Huliaras, “The ‘Anglo-Saxon Conspiracy,'” 594.

146
. François Ngolet, “African and American Connivance in Congo-Zaire,”
Africa Today
47, no. 1 (2000): 75.

147
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Philip Gordon,
The Transatlantic Allies and the Changing Middle East
, Adelphi Paper 322 (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1998), 21.

148
. Gordon,
Transatlantic Allies
, 23-37; Petras and Morley, “Contesting Hegemonies,” 60-61.

149
. Drozdiak, “French Snub NATO Tribute to Christopher.”

150
. Quotes and data in this paragraph are from Delafon and Sancton,
Dear Jacques
, 259-60.

151
. In this instance one diplomat's mistrust, cultural insecurity, and tetchiness encountered another's intentional, or unintentional, provocation. As the story goes, Charette—wanting to make up with Christopher, who was leaving office, for their past bickering—hosted a dinner at the Quai d'Orsay and, with the intention of honoring the American, offered him a selection of prize-winning French books wrapped in a tricolor ribbon even though the guest, as it was known, did not read French. Christopher, who chafed against French linguistic snobbery, took exception to the books, assuming Charette was purposely embarrassing him by a gift of “paperback novels—in French.” The retiring diplomat thought he got the best of his host by ignoring the “elegantly contemptuous gesture.” See Warren Christopher,
Chances of a Lifetime
(New York: Scribner, 2001), 28.

152
. These paragraphs are based Philip Gordon,
Transatlantic Allies
, 53-58, and Philip Gordon and Jeremy Shapiro,
Allies at War: America, Europe and the Crisis over Iraq
(New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004), 39-44, 77-78.

153
. Jacques Chirac, “M. Chirac plaide pour la fin des sanctions…,” interview with Jean-Marie Colombani, Alain Frachon, Patrick Jarreau, and Mouna Naïm,
Le Monde
, 27 February 1998, 2.

154
. The Russians were supposedly furious because the strikes were delivered just as the Security Council began its debate over Iraq; Barbara Crossette, “At the UN, Tensions of Cold War Are Renewed,”
New York Times
, 18 December 1998, A23.

155
. After Operation Desert Fox, Clinton signed legislation advocating regime change; Gordon and Shapiro,
Allies at War
, 43.

156
. Claire Tréan, “Pourquoi la France n'ose pas afficher ses divergences avec les Etats-Unis,”
Le Monde
, 20 December 1998, 4. See also Michel Noblecourt, “Les hommes politiques français critiquent l'intervention armée en Irak,”
Le Monde
, 20 December 1998, 28.

157
. Ivo Daalder and Michael O'Hanlon,
Winning Ugly: NATO's War to Save Kosovo
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2000), 44-45. My account relies on Daalder and O'Hanlon's study, as well as Kaufman,
NATO and the Former Yugoslavia
, 149-208.

158
. Daalder and O'Hanlon,
Winning Ugly
, 75.

159
. Chirac said Blair's recommendation was “neither useful nor reasonable”; Jacques Chirac, “Oui, c'est une capitulation,”
Le Figaro
, 11 June 1999, B5.

160
. Daalder and O'Hanlon,
Winning Ugly
, 162-64.

161
. See Chirac, “Oui, c'est une capitulation.” Scholars agree with Chirac; see Frédéric Bozo, “The Effects of Kosovo and the Danger of Decoupling,” in
Defending Europe: The EU, NATO and the Quest for European Autonomy
, ed. Jolyon Howorth and John Keeler (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 61-77; and Brenner and Parmentier,
Reconcilable Differences
, 62-64.

162
. For the French response to Kosovo, see Michel Fortmann and Hélène Viau, “A Model Ally? France and the U.S. during the Kosovo Crisis of 1989-99,” in Haglund, ed.,
France-U.S. Leadership Race
, 87-109; Renéo Lukic, “The Anti-Americanism in France during the War in Kosovo,” in
Culture, Politics, and Nationalism in the Age of Globalization
, ed. Renéo Lukic and Michael Brint (London: Ashgate, 2000), 145-81; and “The Mixed Feelings of Europeans,”
Economist
, 17 April 1999, 53.

163
. Régis Debray, “L'Europe somnambule,”
Le Monde
, 1 April 1999, 1, 19; Régis Debray, “Lettre d'un voyageur au Président de la République,”
Le Monde
, 13 May 1999, 1, 15.

164
. Jean Baudrillard, “Duplicité totale de cette guerre,”
Libération
, 29 April 1999, 6.

165
. André Glucksmann, quoted in Roger Cohen, “In Uniting over Kosovo, a New Sense of Identity,”
New York Times
, 28 April 1999, A15.

166
. Michel Wieviorka, quoted in Thomas Ferenczi, “Les impasses de l'antiaméricanisme,”
Le Monde
, 9 June 1999, 1, 22.

167
. Pascal Bruckner, “Pourquoi cette rage anti-américaine?”
Le Monde
, 7 April 1999, 1, 21.

168
. This case is made in Claire Tréan, “La diplomatie européenne aux commandes,”
Le Monde
, 5 June 1999, 18.

169
. Chirac, “Oui, c'est une capitulation.”

170
. Fortman and Viau, “A Model Ally,” 105-6; Daalder and O'Hanlon,
Winning Ugly
, 161. Cohen, “In Uniting over Kosovo,” A15, cites a poll showing 70 percent of French in favor of NATO intervention.

171
.
CSA-Libération
, “C'est de plus en plus loin, l'Amérique,”
Libération
, 10-11 April 1999.

172
. Hubert Védrine,
Face à l'hyperpuissance: textes et discours, 1995-2003
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 2003), 104.

173
. Craig Whitney, “With a ‘Don't Be Vexed' Air, Chirac Assesses U.S.,”
New York Times
, 17 December 1999, A3.

174
. Quotes in this paragraph are from Chollet and Goldgeir,
America between the Wars
, 232-33, 287.

175
. Védrine,
France in an Age of Globalization
, 46-47, 50. The interview appeared originally as
Les Cartes de la France à l'heure de la mondialisation
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 2000), but it was expanded for the American edition.

176
. Jacques Andréani,
LAmérique et nous
(Paris: Éditions Odile Jacob, 2000), 203, 289. Andréani was ambassador from 1989 to 1995.

177
. Lionel Jospin, quoted in Jean-Michel Aphatie, Patrick Jarreau, Laurent Mauduit and Michel Noblecourt, “Lionel Jospin trace sa route,”
Le Monde
, 7 January 1999, 6-7.

178
. Andréani,
LAmérique
, 196.

179
. Hubert Védrine, quoted in Whitney, “With a ‘Don't Be Vexed' Air,” A3.

180
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Whitney, “With a ‘Don't Be Vexed' Air,” A3.

181
. See, for example, Pascal Boniface,
La France est-elle encore une grande puissance?
(Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 1998), 69-79.

182
. Védrine,
Face à l'hyperpuissance
, 203.

183
. Védrine,
France in an Age of Globalization
, 31.

184
. Hubert Védrine, quoted in Richard Cohen, “France vs. U.S.: Warring Versions of Capitalism,”
New York Times
, 20 October 1997, A10.

185
. Védrine,
France in an Age of Globalization
, 131.

186
. Védrine, quoted in Cohen, “France vs. U.S.”

187
. Védrine,
France in an Age of Globalization
, 45. Pascal Boniface, an analyst for the socialists, elaborated Védrine's argument, writing that France could no longer pretend to rival the American “mastodon” or act as the alternative pole for Europeans. He felt that French diplomats should stop harassing the U.S. government; win support from other Europeans and the UN; voice their differences cogently, but without hysterics; and try to persuade the Americans with serious arguments; Boniface,
La France
, 77-79.

188
. Chirac, “M. Chirac plaide pour la fin des sanctions…”

189
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Craig Whitney, “France Presses for a Power Independent of the U.S.,”
New York Times
, 7 November 1999, 9. With the deployment of the U.S. missile shield in mind, Chirac said, “I deplore the present American disengagement….I wish the United States would once again assume all its responsibilities on the international scene, and as soon as possible. But the world is a fragile place. It won't wait.” Jacques Chirac, “La France dans un monde multipolaire,”
Politique étrangère
4 (1999): 806.

190
. Jacques Chirac, “L'Europe selon Chirac,”
Libération
, 25 March 1996, 2.

191
. Chirac, “La France dans un monde multipolaire,” 804-5.

192
. Ibid., 807.

193
. What was articulated in the late 1990s anticipated the French position in 2003. As Chirac declared to the UN General Assembly, referring to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, “In an open world, no one can isolate oneself, no one can act alone in the name of all, and no one can accept the anarchy of society without rules. There is no alternative to the United Nations….Multilateralism is essential…, it's effective…, it's modern.” After urging a reformed and strengthened UN Security Council, he added that it was up to the Council “to frame the use of force. No one can appropriate the right to use it unilaterally and preventively.” Jacques Chirac, “Nul ne peut agir seul,”
Le Monde
, 24 September 2003, 2.

194
. Andréani,
LAmérique
, 292.

195
. For mistrust of the French among Washington officials and pundits, see Simon Serfaty,
La France vue par les Etats-Unis: réflexions sur la francophobie à Washington
(Paris: Institut français des relations internationales, 2003).

Chapter 6. The French Way: Economy, Society, and Culture in the 1990s

1
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Philippe Lemaître and Laurent Zecchini, “L'Europe ne croit guère aux recettes libérales américaines,”
Le Monde
, 24 June 1997, 2.

2
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Gilles Delafon and Thomas Sancton,
Dear Jacques, cher Bill: au coeur de l'Elysée et de la Maison Blanche, 1995-1999
(Paris: Plon, 1999), 300.

3
. See, for example, Clarisse Fabre and Eric Fassin,
Liberté, égalité, sexualité: actualitépolitique des questions sexuelles
(Paris: Éditions Belfond/Le Monde, 2003).

4
. “Ces fonds de pension qui font peur aux Français,”
Le Monde
, 26 October 1999, 18.

5
. Suzanne Berger, “Trade and Identity: The Coming Protectionism?” in
Remaking the Hexagon: The New France in the New Europe
, ed. Gregory Flynn (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1995), 195-210.

6
. Sophie Pedder, “The Grand Illusion,”
Economist
, 5 June 1999, 10-11.

7
. Timothy Smith,
France in Crisis: Welfare, Inequality and Globalization since 1980
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 129.

8
. Mark Kesselman, “The Triple Exceptionalism of the French Welfare State,” in
Diminishing Welfare: A Cross-National Study of Social Protection
, ed. Gertrude Schaffner Goldberg and Marguerite Rosenthal (New York: Greenwood, 2001), 201.

9
. In 2002, French public spending as percent of GDP, about 53 percent, was higher than all other nations of the EU except for Sweden and Denmark; see Peter Hall,
The Economic Challenges Facing President Jacques Chirac
, U.S.France Analysis Series (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, July 2002), 3.

10
. AndrewJack,
The French Exception
(London: Profile Books, 1999), 67.

11
. David Ross Cameron, “From Barre to Balladur: Economic Policy in the Era of the EMS,” in Flynn, ed.,
Remaking the Hexagon
, 117-57.

12
. Pierre Rosanvallon,
L'Etat en France de 1789 à nos jours
(Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1990), 262.

13
. William James Adams, “France and Global Competition,” in Flynn,
Remaking the Hexagon
, 88.

14
. Christian Sautter, minister in the Jospin government, quoted in Gunnar Trumbull,
Silicon and the State: French Innovation Policy in the Internet Age
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004), 6-7.

15
. Secrétariat d'Etat auprès du Premier Ministre chargé du Plan, rapport du groupe “Horizon 2000” présidé par Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie,
Entrer dans le XXIe siècle: essai sur l'avenir de l'identité française
(Paris: Éditions la Découverte et la Documentation française, 1990), 156.

16
. Ibid., 163.

17
. Jean Daniel, “L'Amérique ou rien?”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 26 June-2 July 1997, 22.

18
. Serge Marti, “Les dures leçons de l' ‘arrogance' américaine,”
Le Monde
, 2 September 1997, 111.

19
. See Jean Heffer, “Il n'y a pas de miracle économique!”
Les Collections de L'Histoire: L'Empire américain
7 (2000): 88-90; Bernard Lalanne, “Voyage dans la job machine américaine,”
L'Expansion
, 3-16 March 1994, 70-77; Jacques Andréani,
LAmérique et nous
(Paris: Éditions Odile Jacob, 2000), 205-21.

20
. Andréani,
LAmérique
, 81.

21
. Daniel, “L'Amérique ou rien?” 23.

22
. Jean Daniel, “Modernité de la gauche,”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 29 May-4 June 1997, 19.

23
. Jean Daniel, “L'Europe racontée aux enfants,”
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 19-25 June 1997, 22.

24
. The contention is that the French welfare state merely serves the comfortable members of society at the expense of the weak: behind the rhetoric of
acquis sociaux
, powerful interests like pensioners, aided by left-wing intellectuals and timid politicians, protect their benefits while the young, women, the disabled, and immigrants go without jobs. Solidarity may have been celebrated as the antidote to American social policy but, from this perspective, it served the affluent. See Smith,
France in Crisis.

25
. Jean-Marie Le Pen wanted to confine the welfare state to “the French.” Spurred by fear about crime and immigration, the Front National sought to deny equal social rights to immigrants—i.e., to give priority for all jobs and public housing to “the native French”; to create a separate medical benefits system for foreigners working in France so that French tax money would not go for their care; and, to halt all immigration. In its own nasty and reactionary way this agenda also undermined the French model.

26
. Raymond Aron, quoted in Thierry Leterre:
La Gauche et la peur libérale
(Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2000), 28. Jack Hayward,
Fragmented France: Two Centuries of Disputed Identity
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), indicts the French for their long history of antipathy toward Anglo-American liberalism.

27
. Viviane Forrester,
L'Horreur économique
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 1996). One might read this polemic, which attacked globalization and ultraliberalism, and not realize the target was the United States. But in a later book,
Une Etrange Dictature
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 2000), Forrester was more explicit in blaming Anglo-American mutual funds for making profits by firing employees.

28
. Where 71 percent of Americans, 66 percent of the British, 65 percent of the Germans, and 59 percent of the Italians agreed with this proposition, only 36 percent of the French did. See “20 Nation Poll Finds Strong Global Consensus: Support for Free Market System…,” Program on International Policy Attitudes, University of Maryland, 11 January 2006,
http://www.worldpublicopinion.org
.

29
. Alain Duhamel,
Les Peurs françaises
(Paris: Éditions Flammarion, 1993), 43.

30
. For a concise and informed review of liberal thought and a plea for the Left to become more liberal, see Leterre,
La Gauche.

31
. Jérôme Jaffré, “La Gauche accepte le marché, la droite admet la différence,”
Le Monde
, 18 August 1999, 5. In a SOFRES survey ofJune 1994 less than a third thought the theory of economic liberalism was a problem; see Hervé Jannic, “Les Français craignent l'envahissement américain,”
L'Expansion
, 2-15 June 1994, 52. In the midst of the presidential election of 1995 one survey reported two of three wanted more state intervention in the economy, but also backed free trade; “Une majorité de Français souhaitent…,”
Le Monde
, 11 April 1995, 6.

32
. Philip Gordon and Sophie Meunier,
The French Challenge: Adapting to Globalization
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2001), 14. Gordon and Meunier are the best guide to this process.

33
. Erik Izraelewicz,
Le Capitalisme zinzin
(Paris: Éditions Bernard Grasset, 1999).

34
. Gordon and Meunier,
French Challenge
, 31.

35
. Trumbull,
Silicon and the State
, 105.

36
. Pedder, “The Grand Illusion,” 4.

37
. Peter Hall, “Introduction: the Politics of Social Change in France,” in
Changing France: The Politics that Markets Make
, ed. Pepper Culpepper, Peter Hall, and Bruno Palier (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 21.

38
. Jérôme Sainte Marie, “Nos derniers sondages publiés: l'image des Etats-Unis,”
Paris-Match
, 20 February 2003.

39
. Édouard Balladur,
Le Pouvoir ne se partage pas: conversations avec François Mitterrand
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 2009), 426.

40
. Édouard Balladur, quoted in “Putting the Brakes On,”
Economist
, 4 August 2001, 43.

41
. Édouard Balladur, “En réponse à Philippe Seguin Édouard Balladur défend sa politique économique,”
Le Monde
, 6 June 1993, 7.

42
. Édouard Balladur,
Deux Ans à Matignon
(Paris: Plon, 1995), 255.

43
. Édouard Balladur, “Édouard Balladur multiplie les promesses,”
Le Monde
, 2 April 1995, 7.

44
. Jacques Chirac, speech at the Sorbonne given on the fiftieth anniversary of the plan in 1996, quoted in Jacques Michel Tondre,
Jacques Chirac dans le texte
(Paris: Éditions Ramsay, 2000), 105.

45
. Jacques Chirac, speech of 1997, quoted in Tondre,
Jacques Chirac
, 114.

46
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Serge Marti, “Le G7 s'efforce de concilier mondialisation et cohésion sociale,”
Le Monde
, 3 April 1996, 2.

47
. Jean-Marie Messier,
J6M.COM: faut-il avoir peur de la nouvelle économie?
(Paris: Hachette, 2000), 73, 131.

48
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Roger Cohen, “For France, Sagging Self-Image and Esprit,”
New York Times
, 11 February 1997, Ai, 8.

49
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in John Andrews, “A Divided Self: A Survey of France,”
Economist
, 16 November 2002, 18.

50
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Pierre Péan,
L'Inconnu de l'Elysée
(Paris: Éditions Fayard, 2007), 459.

51
. A. Chaillot, quoted in Steve Bastow, “Front National Economic Policy: From Neo-Liberalism to Protectionism,”
Modern and Contemporary France
5, no. 1 (1997): 65.

52
. Jean-Marie Le Pen, quoted in Christiane Chombeau, “Jean-Marie Le Pen dresse la liste des candidats…,”
Le Monde
, 31 May 1997, 10.

53
. Philippe Bernard and Luc Leroux, “La France exige des Etats-Unis le départ de cinq agents de la CIA,”
Le Monde
, 23 February 1995, 1, 9. The
New York Times
reported the story the same day: “France Accuses 5 Americans of Spying,”
New York Times
, 23 February 1995, Ai, 12. The CIA later owned up to the botched espionage; Tim Weiner, “CIA Confirms Blunders during Economic Spying on France,”
New York Times
, 13 March 1996, 8. See also Jean-François Jacquier and Marc Nexon, “Comment la CIA déstabilise les entreprises françaises,”
L'Expansion
, 10-23 July 1995, 32-7; and Jean Guisnel,
Les Pires Amis du monde
(Paris: Éditions Stock, 1999), 183-213, 289-316.

54
. “A Dangerous Skirmish,”
Financial Times
, 18 August 1995, 13.

55
. Alain Juppé, quoted in “Crise idéologique,”
Le Monde
, 27 August 1995, 9.

56
. For the Plan Juppé see Jean-Marie Domenach, Eric Fassin, Pierre Grémion, René Mouriaux, Pascal Perrineau, Michel Wieviorka, Paul Thibaud, and George Ross, “Debate: the Movements ofAutumn—Something New or Déjà Vu,”
French Politics and Society
14 (1996): 1-27.

57
. Jacques Chirac, quoted in Ibrahim Youssef, “As Strike Intensifies, French Government Stands Firm,”
New York Times
, 5 December 1995, Ai.

58
. For the most part, the strikers represented the public sector with only nominal participation from private employees; see “Le secteur privé a peu suivi les appels de la CGT et de FO,”
Le Monde
, 7 December 1995, 12.

59
. Pascal Perrineau and Michel Wieviorka, “De la nature du mouvement social,”
French Politics and Society
14 (1996): 19.

60
. Marc Blondel, quoted in Craig Whitney, “French Rail and Other Workers Ending their 3-Week Walkout,”
New York Times
, 16 December 1995, 7.

61
. Alan Riding, “France Questions Its Identity as It Sinks into ‘Le Malaise,'”
New York Times
, 23 December 1990, 1.

62
. “Between liberalism that increases social inequities in the name of freedom, and collectivism that asphyxiates freedom in the name of an imaginary equality,” he stated, “there is a place for a society of responsibility and solidarity”; Pierre Bérégovoy, “L'Amérique, l'Europe, la France,”
Le Monde
, 6 January 1993, 8.

63
. Noël Mamère and Olivier Warin,
Non merci, Oncle Sam!
(Paris: Éditions Ramsay, 1999), 187. Another Green Party critic of the American Fordist economy was Alain Lipietz.

64
. Lionel Jospin, “Changeons d'avenir, changeons de majorité: nos engagements,”
Le Monde
, 3 May 1997, 8.

65
. Quotations in this paragraph are from Lionel Jospin, “A ceux qui doutent de la gauche…,” interview with Edgar Morin, Alain Touraine, and Jean Daniel,
Le Nouvel Observateur
, 22-28 May 1997, 23-25. See also his address to the National Assembly for his views on republican solidarity; Lionel Jospin, “Le discours de Lionel Jospin,”
Le Monde
, 21 June 1997, 8-10.

66
. Édouard Balladur, “Nous devons inventer un libéralisme à la française…,”
Le Monde
, 28 May 1997, 7.

67
. Lionel Jospin,
Modern Socialism
, Fabian Pamphlet 592 (London: Fabian Society, 1999), 1.

68
. Ibid., 10.

69
. Ibid., 8.

70
. Ibid., 10.

71
. Lionel Jospin, “Le Discours de Lionel Jospin à Rio,”
Le Monde
, 18 April 2001, 16.

72
. Jospin,
Modern Socialism
, 6.

73
. Gilles Senges, “Création d'emploi: Lionel Jospin tire les leçons de l'expérience américaine,”
Les Echos
, 19 June 1998; “Jospin Discovers America,”
Economist
, 27 June 1998, 50.

74
. Lionel Jospin, quoted in Andrews, “A Divided Self,” 14.

75
. “Still a Dirty Word,”
Economist
, 8 June 2002, 48.

76
. Pedder, “The Grand Illusion,” 11.

77
. Anonymous adviser, quoted in Pedder, “The Grand Illusion,” 12. Pedder also quotes Tony Blair who, in contrast, at a meeting in Milan lectured the French socialists, to their dismay, on the need to imitate America's flexible labor markets: “We can't argue with the fact that U.S. unemployment is lower, growth higher,” the British Prime Minister said; “high unemployment is not social cohesion” (12).